5 For further evidence, see Ignatieff, ibid ., and Nina Tumarkin, The Living and the Dead , which traces the Second World War cult over forty years.
6 On 1965 in the veterans’memories, see Kolomenskii almanakh , vyp 4 (Moscow, 2000), p. 238.
7 R. W. Davies, Soviet History in the Gorbachev Revolution (Houndmills, 1988), p. 101.
8 For the story of Katyn, which emerged only after 1990, see R. W. Davies, Soviet History in the Yeltsin Era (Houndmills, 1997), pp. 18–19.
9 This was a comment made to the Yugoslav diplomat, Milovan Djilas. See Djilas, Conversations with Stalin (New York, 1962), p. 111.
10 For the whole story, see Nina Tumarkin, ‘Story of a War Memorial’, in Garrard and Garrard (Eds), World War II, pp. 125–46.
11 See George Gibian’s ‘World War 2 in Russian National Consciousness’, in Garrard and Garrard, ibid ., pp. 147–160.
12 Georgian veterans tended to be even more ‘Soviet’ in their outlook than Russians, not least because the notion of Georgian homeland is fragmented and, in the present, still troubled by ethnic hatreds inside the republic’s territory.
13 Werth, p. 155.
14 Druzhba, p. 43. The persistence of this kind of nationalism was apparent in the interviews I carried out in Georgia and eastern Ukraine in 2002 and 2003.
15 The testimonies in Rodina , 1991, 6–7, especially pp. 61–3, confirm what surviving members of punishment battalions said to me.
16 M. Gefter (Ed.), Golosa iz mira, kotorogo uzhe net (Moscow, 1995), p. 41.
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