Irving Wallace - The Man

Question : Will you sign the African Unity Pact Bill? Suggested Response : Yes, we affirm our determination to support free peoples and democratic ideals throughout the world, et cetera.

Question : Can you discuss the subjects that you and Kwame Amboko of Baraza have covered, and relate them to the AUP and the recent Roemer Conference? Suggested Response : The meetings with President Amboko have been fruitful, and progress has been made in many areas. We will conclude our talks after tonight’s State Dinner. There will be a joint statement from President Amboko and myself upon his departure tomorrow.

Question : Do you feel that, as a Negro, you can be more effective in making activist organizations like the Turnerites behave more moderately? Suggested Response : I do not believe my color is an issue one way or another. As a senator, and now as President, I am certain my views about immoderate activity and violence are well known. Like my predecessor, I believe in progress under the law and through the courts of the land, such progress as is being made on behalf of Negro Americans by the Crispus Society and NAACP.

Question : Do you believe passage of the Minorities Rehabilitation Program will alleviate the current tension, and do you intend to support and sign the massive work and education bill? Suggested Response : I believe that MRP has much to offer minorities in this country, but at the same time I do not believe it should make us relax our other efforts to secure civil rights for all men and women, et cetera. I am still studying the bill, and will make my views known shortly.

Dilman put down his cigar and rubbed his eyes. The last question was the only one, so far, to which he had written the response. He realized now that his statement was ambiguous, and might not satisfy the press.

“Tim,” he called out, “do you think they’ll try to pin me down on the MRP Bill?”

Flannery nodded. “I think you can expect it.”

Talley took a few steps from the fireplace. “Mr. President, I’m positive you’ll avoid a lot of nettlesome questions by simply coming out in flat support of-”

“Governor,” Dilman interrupted, “I’m not saying I’m against it, God knows. It’s just so damn big and important, I want to feel sure it is right-will ease off the tension-”

Flannery said, “Then whatever you’re asked, keep saying you are consulting with your advisers, seeking the best and most efficient legislation possible. You know the sort of thing.”

“I understand,” said Dilman.

He reviewed the remaining possible questions and suggested responses quickly. How often would he hold press conferences? There was a star after this one. It had been planted. He was to say that he hoped to air ideas with the press every two weeks, depending upon circumstances. Had he approved of the Postmaster General’s new commemorative stamp bearing T. C.’s likeness? This also had been planted. He was to say that he had instigated the idea of the memorial stamp. Would he permit his name to be offered as a candidate for the Presidency at the Party convention in Baltimore next year? No star after this one. He was to say that such political considerations were premature, that he preferred to make no comment at this time, except to say that he had never had, and had not now, any political ambitions beyond Congress.

There were several more questions, and then the last one, and reading it, he sat up. For the first time, the New Succession Bill, which would freeze his Cabinet by giving the Senate authority over him, lay coldly and boldly before his eyes, not in speculative newsprint but as a fact presented by his advisers.

Possible Question : Since the New Succession Bill seems assured of passage through Congress, will you sign it into law or veto it?

Without lifting his head to look, he sensed that the watching Talley knew that he had arrived at the yet unspoken question and that, in a way, it was being asked of him by his staff rather than by the press.

Suggested Response : For a long time we have needed reforms and better precautionary measures in our Presidential succession system. The possibilities of multiple deaths in the line of succession, in this nuclear age, are too real to be ignored. I approve of Senator Hankins’ proposed bill as one more security measure to safeguard the nation at large.

The omission glared out at Dilman. There was not a word about the embarrassing addendum to the bill, the one amputating his removal powers. Did Talley and the others think the members of the press were blind to it, that they would not ask it?

He took pen in hand, and looked at Talley. “Governor, about the last question here. I don’t think I’ll get away with your suggested response. It covers only three-fourths of the New Succession Bill. Someone is surely going to inquire about the final paragraphs, and I’d better be ready.”

Talley came toward the desk, with Flannery behind him, and Dilman was pleased to see that his aide was flushed with consternation.

“I-we didn’t know what you’d want to say about that, Mr. President,” Talley was saying. “We’ve never discussed the clause-”

“Because no one brought it up,” said Dilman. He faced Flannery. “Tim, I’d better be ready to say something about that. If I’m asked about it, and I will be, I’ll try to make up my mind what to say extemporaneously. I just want to jot a note here for you, after my suggested response, to the effect that-let me think-well-that I have examined the clause shifting the removal powers of the President over his Cabinet to the Senate, in the special case where the succession has gone below Vice-President, and-and while I understand the motivation behind it-the desire of Congress to preserve the nature of the elected and appointed government-I must remark that I believe the clause to be of debatable legality and designed to weaken the executive branch of government. Will I let that one questionable feature turn me against an otherwise excellent piece of legislation or will I approve it? I don’t know, Tim-Governor-I’m afraid if I suggest veto, it will create an uproar, make the Southern bloc in Congress, the racists around the country, positive that I’m going to dump T. C.’s Cabinet for an all-black Cabinet. I can’t afford that, no matter how I feel-”

“Exactly, that’s the point, Mr. President,” said Talley anxiously. “The whole piece of legislation was merely made to alleviate fear-”

“But I think the legislation is wrong because it is unconstitutional,” Dilman said. “I’ll make a note here that I cannot say how I will act until I observe the conditions under which the final New Succession Bill reaches my desk. Then, if I find it necessary to approve it in order to preserve national unity, I will do so after making my legal opinion, and the opinions of the best constitutional lawyers, known to the country.”

Hastily, he scrawled several sentences after the last suggested response.

He looked up. “There, that should keep everyone satisfied-for the time.”

“Very wise, Mr. President,” said Talley, exhaling a gust of relief.

Dilman turned the page. “Let me bone up on the backgrounds to my responses-”

Talley quickly retreated, as if his proximity might provoke the President into second thoughts.

Studiously Dilman devoted himself to the information. He had gone through five of the capsule briefings when the buzzer sounded from Miss Foster’s office.

Since he had told her to hold all calls except the most urgent ones, he picked up the telephone immediately.

“Mr. President,” said Edna Foster, her voice quavering, “the Attorney General is here. He must see you at once. He says that it is imperative.”