“I am glad you think so.”
“But there must be a sponsor in England, this is certainly true. Do you know who this is?”
I shrugged helplessly. “It could be any one of many dozen people. Clarendon has enemies without end, for good reasons and bad. You know that as well as I do. He has been attacked in print and in person, in the House of Commons and in the House of Lords, through his family and his friends. It was only a matter of time, I think, before someone attacked his body. That moment may be soon.”
“A rash man, it must be,” Thurloe observed, “to act in such desperation, as however good a soldier your Venetian is, the chance of him missing and being captured must always be there. It may be, of course, that he is being held in reserve, that he will be called into action only if other attempts to ruin Lord Clarendon fail.”
“Such as?” I asked, feeling that once again, Thurloe was teaching me as he had an entire generation of servants of the state. “How do you know all this, sir?”
“I keep my ears open, and I listen,” Thurloe replied with quiet amusement. “A course I recommend to you, doctor.”
“And you have heard of another plot?”
“Maybe so. It seems that enemies of Clarendon are trying to weaken him by associating him with treason. In particular, the treason of John Mordaunt in betraying to me the rising of 1659. In this matter they seek to employ the good offices of Jack Prestcott, the son of the man who took the blame for that regrettable event.”
“Mordaunt?” I asked incredulously. “Are you serious?”
“Oh, perfectly serious, thank you. Shortly before Cromwell died,’’ he continued, “I myself attended a meeting alone with him where he mapped out his own death, which he knew could not be greatly delayed. He could barely walk, so much had his final illness gripped him, and so severe were the treatments meted out to him by his physicians. He knew as well as any he had but a little time remaining, and he regarded the prospect unflinchingly, wanting only to ensure that his affairs on earth were settled before the Lord took him.
“He instructed me how to proceed, confident that his orders would be obeyed, even though he was no longer here to enforce them. His protectorate would pass temporarily to his son Richard, he said, and that would buy the time necessary to conclude negotiations with Charles about how best to effect a restoration of the monarchy. The king was to be allowed back only if he was shackled with so many chains limiting his deeds that he would never act as his father had.
“Naturally, the whole affair was to be kept the closest guarded secret; no meeting was to be noted, no letters, and not a word should be spoken outside the small circle on both sides privy to the talks.
“I did as I was told because he was right—only Cromwell kept civil war at bay, and when he went it would resume unless the breach in the nation was healed. And the English are a monarchical people, who love subjection more than freedom. It was desperately difficult, as if the fanatics on either side knew of it, then we would all be cast aside. Even so, they carne close to taking power again, and I was thrown out of office for a while. Even then, though, I kept the talks going, with John Mordaunt representing His Majesty. One of the conditions, of course, was that all plans and plots for risings should stop—and if the Royalists themselves could not stop them we were to be given enough information so we might do so. Accordingly, Mordaunt gave us full details of the 1659 rising, which was put down with considerable loss of life.
“Many more would have died had war resumed properly, but that would not save Mordaunt if the details of this transaction were known. The trouble is that this young man Prest-cott is trying to prove his father innocent, and must inevitably prove Mordaunt guilty if he is to succeed, for he has been told enough to know who was really responsible. Then it would be assumed that Clarendon gave Mordaunt his orders.”
“Did he?”
Thurloe smiled. “No. The king gave them himself. But Clarendon would accept the blame to save His Majesty from criticism. He is a good servant, and better than this king deserves.”
“Prestcott knows of all this?”
“Not exactly. He is convinced that Mordaunt was a traitor, acting on his own behalf. I have encouraged him in his belief that Samuel Morland was in league with him.”
“This gets ever more bizarre,” I commented. “Why did you do that?”
“For the obvious reason that otherwise he would have acted on his belief in my responsibility and slit my throat. You might, incidentally, do me the service of seeing Samuel next time you are in London and warning him that this young man has decided to kill him.”
“And you say someone has been helping Prestcott?”
“I believe so,” Thurloe replied.
“Who?”
“He is too cunning to say unless the price is right.”
“His testimony is worthless in any case,” I said, furious that the little wretch dared bargain with me, and on such a matter.
“In a court? Of course it is. But you understand politics better than that, doctor.”
“What does he want?”
“Proof of his father’s innocence.”
“I do not have it.”
Thurloe smiled.
I grunted. “I suppose there is no reason why I should not promise him anything he wants. Once I have his testimony, of course…”
Thurloe wagged his finger at me. “Indeed. But do not take him for a fool, sir. He has some wit, even though I doubt his sanity. He is not a trusting man, and wants an indication of your good will first. You do something for him, he will reciprocate. He does not trust anyone.”
“What does he want?”
“He wants charges against him abandoned.”
“I doubt I could accomplish that. My relations with the magistrate are not such that he will readily do me any favor.”
“You do not need one. Mr. Prestcott is willing to provide damning evidence that some woman called Blundy murdered this man Grove. I am not certain how he came by it, especially as you tell me fhis Italian was responsible. But we must use such opportunities as we are given. It should be possible to persuade the magistrate that a certain conviction in a murder case is better than a possible conviction in one of assault. Her trial means his freedom, and cooperation.”
I stared at him uncomprehending, before realizing he was perfectly serious. “You want me to connive in judicial murder? I am not an assassin, Mr. Thurloe.”
“You do not need to be. All you have to do is talk to the magistrate, then keep your silence.”
“You never did such a wicked thing,” I said.
“Believe me, I did. And gladly. It is the servant’s duty to take sin onto his own shoulder so that his prince may remain safe. Ask Lord Clarendon. It is to safeguard good order.”
“That is, no doubt, how Pontius Pilate consoled himself.”
He inclined his head. “No doubt he did. But I think the circumstances are different. It is not, in any case, as if you do not have an alternative. This woman does not have to die. But you would not then find out who is sponsoring the Italian. Nor would you have that much chance of bringing him to trial. But I sense you want more than this.”
“I want Cola dead, and I want those who brought him here destroyed.”
Thurloe’s eyes narrowed as I said this, and I knew that the intensity of my reply, the hatred in my voice had let him see too much. “It is unwise,” he said, “in matters such as this, to be swayed by sentiment. Or by a desire for revenge. By grasping too much, you may lose everything.” He stood up. “And now I must leave you. I have delivered my message, and given my advice. I am sorry that you find it so hard, although I understand your reluctance. If I could persuade Mr. Prestcott to be more reasonable, then I would certainly do so. But he has the pig-headedness of youth, and will not be swayed. You, if I may say so, have some of the same qualities.”
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