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W.E.B. Griffin: Victory and Honor

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W.E.B. Griffin Victory and Honor

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Wars come to an end. But then new ones begin. Just weeks after Hitler's suicide, Cletus Frade and his colleagues in the OSS find themselves up to their necks in battles every bit as fierce as the ones just ended. The first is political-the very survival of the OSS, with every department from Treasury to War to the FBI grabbing for its covert agents and assets. The second is on a much grander scale-the possible next world war, against Joe Stalin and his voracious ambitions. To get a jump on the latter, Frade has been conducting a secret operation, one of great daring-and great danger-but to conduct it and not be discovered, he and his men must walk a perilously dark line. One slip, and everyone becomes a casualty of war.

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Harry S Truman looked at Cletus Frade.

The President said: “So, this is the guy who’s got Henry in a snit?”

“Lieutenant Colonel Frade, Mr. President,” Sourer said.

“Do you drink, Colonel?”

“Yes, sir, Mr. President.”

“Good, because the admiral is a teetotaler, and I really want a drink—I have really earned a couple of drinks in the last couple of hours—and I don’t like to drink alone. Bourbon all right, Colonel?”

“Yes, sir, Mr. President.”

“Ask the steward outside, please, Sid, if we have a time problem.”

“Certainly.”

The President looked at Frade. “I don’t have time to skirt around the edges of this, Colonel. So getting right to it: If I told you that yesterday afternoon I took Marshal Stalin aside and told him the United States has new bombs, each with the explosive power of twenty thousand tons of TNT, and I couldn’t detect an iota of surprise in him, what would you say?”

“Sir, Mr. President, what you told him wasn’t news to him. There are Soviet spies all over the Manhattan Project.”

“Where’d you get that?”

“From General Gehlen, sir.”

“From what I understand, Colonel, General Gehlen is a Nazi sonofabitch about as bad as any other, and worse than some.”

“Sir, I respectfully suggest you have been misinformed.”

“A lot of people try to misinform me. Don’t you try it when you tell me what you know of the deal Allen Dulles made with Gehlen.”

Admiral Sourer returned with a whiskey glass in each hand.

“I like it neat,” the President said as he took the glass. “Is that all right with you, Colonel?”

“Yes, sir, that’s fine.”

“Sid, he’s going to tell us what he knows of the Dulles-Gehlen deal,” Truman said, and gestured for Frade to start.

After a slight hesitation, during which he realized, almost as a surprise, that if any man had the right to know everything, it was the President of the United States, Clete related everything he knew about the deal.

The President, when Clete finished, nodded thoughtfully.

“Colonel,” he then said, “for years now—back to when I was in the Senate, I mean—officers—good, senior, experienced officers—have been coming to me to help them get the OSS shut down. When I became President, the pressure on me really built. Finally, I decided that all those officers couldn’t be wrong. I really admire General Donovan, but the bottom line was that it was Donovan versus just about every senior officer except Eisenhower. And you couldn’t call Ike an enthusiastic supporter.

“So I decided the OSS had to go. On September twentieth, an Executive Order will be issued disbanding the OSS—”

“With all possible respect, Mr. President, that’d be a terrible mistake,” Clete blurted.

“Hold your horses, son. Even ‘with all possible respect,’ lieutenant colonels are not supposed to volunteer to their commander in chief that he is about to make a terrible mistake.”

Clete didn’t reply.

“Even when you’re right, Colonel,” Truman said. “Now, the minute the word got out that I was shutting down the OSS, that terrible organization that wasn’t worth the powder to blow it up, a funny thing happened. Just about everybody from J. Edgar Hoover to the secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau got me in a corner and let me know they’d be happy to take the OSS organization under their wing.

“So that started me to think. If the OSS was so useless, why did they want it? I had an idea, and I took it to Sid—Admiral Sourer—here and asked him. We’re old friends. He’s not career Navy. Like me, he was a weekend warrior in the Navy Reserve when I was making my way up to colonel in the National Guard. The admiral told me what I was beginning to suspect on my own. All the generals and admirals and diplomats and bureaucrats didn’t hate the OSS. They hated Wild Bill Donovan, and the reason they hated Donovan was that he was independent. They couldn’t control him.

“And now they want to absorb the OSS into their little empires because they think that will make them stronger.

“Well, Colonel Frade, that’s not going to happen. I am now convinced—especially because of the trouble the goddamn Russians are certain to cause us . . .”

He paused, then went on: “Let me go off on a tangent on that one. At one o’clock this afternoon, I told General Marshall to shut off all aid to the Soviets immediately, today.”

“Jesus, Harry!” Admiral Sourer said.

“The sonsof bitches have to be taught they can’t push Harry Truman around the way they pushed poor sick FDR around.”

“And that Bess isn’t Eleanor?” Sourer asked innocently.

“Bess keeps her nose out of politics, and you know she does,” Truman said. “And we’re getting off the subject. Getting back to it. A month or so after the OSS is shut down—as soon as I can—I am going to set up an organization, call it the Intelligence Agency or something like that, that will take the place of the OSS.

“Now, since I can’t name Wild Bill Donovan, Alec Graham, and Allen Dulles to run it, for the obvious reasons, I had to find somebody else. He didn’t have to be too smart—”

“Go to hell, Harry,” Sourer said dryly.

“—so I settled on Rear Admiral Sidney W. Sourer, United States Naval Reserve, to head the new agency. Which brings us to you, Colonel: Allen Dulles has convinced me we can’t afford to lose General Gehlen and his intelligence assets. One sure way to lose him is for Morgenthau to lay his hands on you or any of your people or—especially—any of the Nazis you have smuggled into Argentina. I want the truth now. Can you prevent that from happening in the next few months with damned little—no—help from anybody until Sid—Admiral Sourer—is up and running with the new agency?”

“I’ll do my best, Mr. President. I really think I can.”

Truman looked at him for a long moment.

“So do I. I really think you can,” the President said. Then he laughed. “When I heard you made the Secret Service take off their trousers . . . what did I say, Sid?”

“You said, ‘That young officer is apparently capable of anything.’”

“That’s what I said, and that’s what I meant.”

He put out his hand to Clete.

“Thank you, Colonel Frade. I hope to see you again, and soon.” The President paused. “But right now, the thing to do is get you back to Argentina and out of sight. Sid, can we send him in that fancy airplane of yours? Can that make it to Argentina?”

“Not a problem, Mr. President.”

“Then it’s done. Sid, you can come back to Washington with me on The Independence .”

“There’s a couple of problems with that, Mr. President, as far as I’m concerned,” Frade said. “The first is that your Connie can take us only as far as one of our air bases in Brazil; it would cause too much attention in Argentina.”

“And what else?”

“The military attaché in our embassy in Buenos Aires is not one of my admirers.”

“You’re speaking of Colonel Richmond C. Flowers?” Admiral Sourer asked. “I know a good deal about him.”

“Yes, sir. And if he finds out I’m back in Argentina, it’ll be all over Washington in a matter of hours.”

“Sid?” President Truman asked.

“By the time you get to Buenos Aires, Colonel Frade,” Admiral Sourer said, “Colonel Flowers will be en route to his new assignment. Nome, Alaska, comes to mind.”

“Anything else, son?” the President asked.

“My wife and sons are in New Orleans.”

“We can’t have that,” the President said. “Sid . . .”

“By the time you get to Brazil, Colonel, I think your family will also be there,” Admiral Sourer said.

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