Dale Brown - Sky Masters

“Mr. Teguina says that Vietnam abstained in a recent vote of the Association of South East Asian Nations, ” the interpreter said, “and the rumor that was passed to the Aguinaldo government was that the Chinese government made a deal with Vietnam to give them rights to the Spratly Islands in exchange for blocking a key vote.” Yin was about to rebuff the accusation, but the words died in his throat. That had to be the reason why he had heard the tremendous outcry from the ASEAN nations concerning the Chinese invasion, yet nothing had been done-because two nations, Thailand and Vietnam, abstained. High General Chin Po Zihong must have lost a key argument in Beijing if he allowed the Nansha Dao-what the world called the Spratly Islands-to fall back into Vietnam’s hands… Chin would never have allowed that to happen unless his voice was firmly stilled by Premier Cheung. “I assure you, ” Yin calmly told Teguina, “that our alliance is firm and there is no duplicity involved. The vote to censure us was defeated in ASEAN because the members believe in what we’re doing, not because of any back-room deals, especially with the reprehensible Vietnamese government…” But Teguina didn’t seem to be waiting for the interpreter to finish; he began lashing out more accusations. “He is saying that his alliance is ruined, that the Chinese are out to get him, that he can trust no one… “Calm yourself, Mr. President, ” Yin said via the interpreter. “We will brief you on our preparations for assisting your forces to retake Davao, and we will give you a tour of our flagship. You may even speak to our officers. They will all tell you that they fully support your government in this struggle.” That seemed to mollify Teguina a little, and he allowed himself to be escorted out of Yin’s office to the Battle staff briefing area. But as they were leaving, with Teguina well out of earshot, Yin grabbed Captain Sun and hissed, “Get headquarters’ political section on the line immediately. I want to find out about the ASEAN vote and the status of Nansha Dao. Do it immediately.” THE WHITE HOUSE OVAL OFFICE SATURDAY, 8 OCTOBER 1994, 0627 HOURS LOCAL The President of the United States had extended his hand to greet United Nations ambassador Deborah O’Day as she walked into the Oval Office, but by some sort of sudden urge he found himself giving her a cordial hug. “Welcome back home, Deborah, ” the President said, guiding her to a chair. Secretary of State Danahall, Secretary of Defense Preston, Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Curtis, and several members of the House and Senate armed services committees stayed on their feet until O’Day was seated, then took their place around her. “You’ve had a hell of an ordeal, haven’t you?” “Dealing with the ASEAN representatives and the Chinese delegation has been tougher than getting kidnapped by Samar’s rebels, ” O’Day admitted. She extended a hand, and her aide placed a leather-jacketed folder into it. “Mr. President, I’ve been given a communique by the Chinese government, a reply to your last message requesting withdrawal from the Philippines. “I take it by your tone that it’s not good news.”

“I haven’t read the letter itself, sir, but the Chinese ambassador was not cordial. I think it’s bad news.” The President took the folder, broke the seal, initialed the original Chinese-language version of the letter and placed it aside, then read the United Nations and State Department translations. “Just as we thought, ” Taylor said wearily. “China rejects our demands for an immediate withdrawal. They say they are in the Philippines with the permission and full sanction of the Philippine government, and the American involvement there is illegal meddling in the internal affairs of another government. They say they do not know the whereabouts of Arturo Mikaso and said we should make inquiries with the Filipino government as to his status, but as far as they are concerned Daniel Teguina is in charge and Jose Trujillo Samar has no authority in the government. “They regret the attacks on our aircraft and warships, but in the current unstable world climate such interference should have been anticipated and therefore we should carry as much of the blame for the loss as they . “Bullshit, ” Curtis murmured. “They further regard the deployment of heavy bombers and carrier battle groups around the Philippines as an extremely hostile act and they will use any and all means at their disposal to protect their citizens and property.” The President tossed the communique aside and regarded the advisers around him. “Well? Thoughts?”

“Samar’s rebels come under attack in less than five hours, sir, ” O’Day said. She glanced at Wilbur Curtis. “Is that right, General?”

“Yes, it is, ” Curtis said. He referred to the pile of mounted satellite photos on the coffee table before him-the photos taken from the B-2 and U-2 reconnaissance flights. “It may have begun already. Chinese warships were in position to bombard Davao by sundown. When their landing craft get into position, they’ll start the invasion.”

“Five hours? So you’re saying it’s too late ~”

“No, sir, I’m not, ” Curtis said. “As we discussed in the tactics briefing, the Chinese troops are most vulnerable while they’re still in their troop transports. They’ve already begun unloading troops along the Buoyan peninsula east of Mount Apo to secure the coastal towns, but the main force still hasn’t landed in Davao yet-Samar’s rebels are mining the straits and inlets, trying to slow the convoys up. We still have time to stop them.” The President nodded to Curtis. “Thank you, General.” To Secretary of Defense Preston, he asked, “Thomas? What do you have for me?”

“Only my wish that we wait and bring the Lincoln and Nimitz carrier battle groups, and the Wisconsin surface action group, forward into position first, ” Preston replied. “But I know if we still desire to support Samar and his Islamic rebels that we must act quickly.” The President seemed to consider his words for a moment. “Thank you.” He continued around the room, getting last thoughts from Danahall and the congressional leadership. A few voiced hesitation, but all seemed to want to act. From the front of his desk, the President withdrew a redcovered folder and opened it. Below large dark letters that read Top Secret were the words Executive Order 94-21, Air Operations, Strike, Island of Mindanao, Republic of the Philippines. Without any further hesitation, the President signed the order and several copies, then replaced it in the folder and resealed it. Wilbur Curtis was on the phone thirty seconds later to the National Military Command Center. ANDERSEN AFB, GUAM SUNDAY, 9 OCTOBER 1994, 1915 HOURS LOCAL (SATURDAY, 8 OCTOBER, 0815 WASHINGTON TIME) Patrick McLanahan awoke thirty minutes before his alarm rang. Two hours before the first daily standby situation briefing-he needed rest, but he knew his mind was not going to let him have any more. His bedroom was a maintenance office on the top floor of hangar building number 509, on Andersen’s expansive north parking ramp, which he shared with his aircraft commander, Major Henry Cobb. Down below them in the huge hangar were two very unusual machines-Patrick’s B-2A Black Knight stealth bomber and an EB-52C Megafortress strategic escort aircraft-the same Megafortress that had “saved” their tails from the F-23 Wildcat fighters during General Jarrel’s training sorties three weeks ago in Powder River Run. The hangar also housed all the other flight, maintenance, and support crews for the HAWC aircraft, as well as a full squadron of heavily armed security police. Careful not to disturb his aircraft commander, Patrick pulled on his flight suit, picked up his socks and boots from their place under his canvas folding cot, and tried to tiptoe out. “Up already, Colonel?” Cobb said from his cot. “Yep. Sorry to wake you.” “You didn’t. I never went to sleep.” Cobb threw off the sheet covering him and swung his feet onto the floor. “Never slept in a hangar before. Don’t think I want to again after this.”