Kader Abdolah - The King

The fatwa issued by the aged ayatollah had not yet had any direct impact on the military. The army had always been unconditionally loyal to the king, and it would take a while for the power of the ayatollah’s words to penetrate the thick skin of the armed forces.

In Tehran armed policemen stormed the Jameh mosque and threw the striking merchants out. A few shopkeepers fought back, and one was killed as a result. As the merchants carried the body of their dead colleague to the bazaar mosque on their shoulders, a gang of bandits set fire to the shops. People tried to extinguish the fire with buckets of water to keep the whole bazaar from going up in flames.

News of the arson served as a warning to the other cities. The bazaars were guarded day and night.

In Tehran the head of the police force locked the door of the Jameh mosque and issued an order to arrest anyone found in the vicinity. The merchants continued to claim sanctuary in the small bazaar mosque, however, and countless people gathered on the square of the mosque to protect them.

The police were ruthless. They rode into the crowd, beat them with their long sticks and finally drove them from the square. The merchants were thrown out of their small mosque as well. With such exceptionally harsh measures and violent arrests it became impossible for the merchants to stand firm and united. And although the bazaars were guarded, bandits nevertheless succeeded in sneaking in under cover of night and burning down a shop here, a warehouse or storage area there. The merchants were gripped by fear and doubt. They wondered whether it might not be wiser to open the doors of their shops.

Jamal Khan’s committee became aware of their misgivings and decided to change their tactics. So far now they had followed a policy of passive resistance, but now it was time for a new initiative. It was either that or lose the battle.

After several meetings the decision was made to attack British property all across the country. Tobacco factories and plantations were occupied and the British and Indian employees were sent packing.

England exerted pressure on the shah to provide protection for its people and to safeguard its property and factories. The shah sent in the army to defend the British embassy and to rid the tobacco factories of demonstrators. On the tobacco plantations the farmers showed what they were made of. Armed with nothing but shovels and sticks they attacked the soldiers, and the soldiers opened fire.

The army’s brutal response aroused the anger of the populace. Telegraph cables were cut and poles were pulled from the ground and set on fire.

All the Britons in Persia were sent to the southern province, where it was safe. Only the ambassador and his staff remained in the embassy in Tehran in order to be close to the shah and to follow developments as they happened.

In the oil-rich areas several villages sprang up overnight. The British had everything they needed there for the long haul. One look at all the installations, buildings, athletic fields and water facilities made it clear that England was planning on staying in the country for at least a hundred years.

But what the British had feared so long was now about to happen. The shah was incapable of controlling the revolt. At first England had seen his weak power apparatus as an advantage. They were satisfied when the powerful vizier was succeeded by vizier Sheikh Aqasi. But now that their interests were being threatened they began to think differently. In order to secure their position they would have to learn to work together with the country’s bazaars. So London instructed its ambassador to speak with both the shah and the leaders of the insurgents. But the shah rejected any form of mediation out of hand.

‘We know our subjects better than you do,’ he told the British ambassador. ‘If we give these ayatollahs free rein, we’ll never be rid of them. The businessmen can’t keep their shops closed for ever. They’ll get tired of striking and start pushing their wares again. Have patience, as we do.’

Jamal Khan and his people reviewed the situation. They saw two possibilities: either increase their attacks on British property in the south or hold a mass march on the palace to put the shah under even more pressure. An attack on the British in the south was not feasible, so the committee decided to turn their attention to two strategic places in Tehran: the British embassy, which they would have to occupy, and the palace of the shah, which they would have to surround.

‘The British embassy is out of the question,’ said Jamal Khan during their talks. ‘They need us and we need them. We have to fight them and at the same time regard them as a partner against the repression of the shah, or we’ll lose the battle on both fronts. If we attack the British embassy it will give the shah an excuse to destroy us. I think we have to increase the pressure on the shah and at the same time demand a national telegraph system from the British.’

The plan sounded good, but it was still risky. What if things got out of hand and people began storming the palace? What if they took the shah hostage or, even worse, murdered him? Wouldn’t England and Russia take advantage of the chaos and divide the country between themselves? And wouldn’t that put an end to the ancient Persian Empire, once and for all? The occupation of the British embassy seemed like the best way forward. It would force both the British and the shah to take further steps.

After a week of interminable discussions Amir Nezam had something surprising to report. ‘The British tobacco company is prepared to discuss national tobacco production.’

The embassy had passed on the proposal via a mediator, an old acquaintance of Amir Nezam who met with him regularly in a tea house. As the son of a carpet dealer he had lived in London for a few years. Now he had his own business exporting Persian carpets to England. He was on good terms with the British embassy.

‘Friends, we have learned from talks with the mediator that London is not happy with Sheikh Aqasi as vizier. A peaceful, stable Persia would be to their benefit, and they’re looking for a way to influence developments. Reading between the lines, I get the feeling that London is prepared to reach a compromise.’

‘A compromise about what?’ asked Talebof.

‘A domestic telegraph network.’

‘Were these the mediator’s actual words?’ asked Jamal Khan with surprise.

‘No, not exactly. The ambassador submitted the idea to the shah, but he doesn’t want to talk about it just yet. The shah is afraid that if he agrees, he’ll lose control of the country.’

Everyone was impressed by this message.

‘But what does the mediator want?’ asked Mirza Reza.

‘Nothing. He just passed it on to me.’

‘England seems to be saying they’re not happy with the shah and they’re looking for a reliable partner,’ said Amir.

‘England’s motives are more complex than we think,’ said Jamal Khan. ‘That’s why we have to come up with our own strategy and turn the heat up under the shah.’

Amir Nezam wasn’t the only one who had picked up these signals. The British were playing a two-handed game. They were afraid that if emergency struck, Russia would support the shah. So they passed a message on to the ayatollah through those who were closest to him: ‘England is prepared to give in, but the shah is blocking every option. Your help is needed.’

After Friday prayers the merchants stopped claiming sanctuary and went to the shah’s palace, followed by a huge crowd. With one voice they cried, ‘Tobacco! Tobacco! Persian tobacco! Telegraph! Telegraph! Telegraph!’

The shah was sitting at his writing desk when a palace guard knocked on the door and said, ‘Your Majesty! Your Majesty! Thousands of your subjects are on their way to the palace!’