Alaa al-Aswany - The Automobile Club of Egypt

I shook his hand respectfully, noting that his grip was strong for someone of his advanced age. The prince added, “It’s Atiya who organized the last textile workers’ strike in Mahalla.”

Atiya seemed to be chuffed at the prince’s words and whispered something I did not catch. There was also a skinny man with completely white hair who looked like a retired civil servant. The prince introduced him to me, “Mr. Awni,” the prince said before gesturing for everyone to be seated. I sat in the only empty seat.

“First of all,” the prince said, “I must explain who we are and what we are doing.”

I looked at him, and he stopped for a moment, appearing to be searching for the right words.

“We are a joint working party of Wafdists and Communists. Odette, Abdoun and Atiya are from the Egyptian Communist Party. Mr. Awni and Hasan Mu’min are from the Wafd. I am an independent and their colleague in the working party.”

Odette gave me a look and then added cheerfully, “His Royal Highness is being far too modest. In actuality, he is the working party coordinator.”

The prince smiled and continued, “The Wafd is the Egyptian nationalist party, but in recent years it has been hijacked by feudal landowners controlled by the palace and the English, and they have ignored the rights of the masses in order to cling to their class privileges. That’s why the Wafdist Vanguard has been established, to represent the true heart of the party against the occupation and against feudalism. After much thought and discussion, the Wafdist Vanguard decided to form a joint cell with the Communists, and we are united around one demand, which is the evacuation of Egypt by the British and the independence of Egypt. After we gain our independence, there will of course be different views as to the state we wish to build. But for now, we are working toward two aims: first, to denounce the king’s corruption and treachery, and second, to make the occupation so costly for the British that they will leave.”

After a short pause, the prince went on, “Do you agree to join us, Kamel? To be brutally frank, I should let you know that participating in this organization is a crime under Egyptian law that can lead to life imprisonment.”

“I’d be honored to join you, sir,” I said with some emotion. The prince gave me a searching look.

“Kamel,” interjected Hasan Mu’min, “is one of the bravest men I know. He distributed our pamphlet under the eyes of the police. He is a true nationalist with nerves of steel.”

“I know,” said the prince. “I’ve had a full report on him.”

“I hope all the details were correct,” I joked.

“Before admitting a new member, we carry out a thorough check to make sure that he is not a stooge of the security services. In your case, there was no problem because Hasan Mu’min seconded your candidacy. But I insisted on getting to know you myself so that I could sound out your character. I am happy to say it is sound indeed.”

“Thank you, sir,” I said quickly.

“We should all like to thank His Royal Highness,” added Hasan Mu’min, “for his efforts in the service of the nationalist cause.”

The prince smiled and tried to shrug off the praise. Then Atiya continued, “When we bear in mind that the other members of the royal family have thrown their lot in with the occupation as servants of the English, Prince Shamel’s example is even more praiseworthy.”

“All right!” The prince laughed. “We can’t spend the whole meeting patting each other on the back! We have a lot to get through.”

The prince put on his spectacles, arranged the papers in front of him and started reading. At that moment I felt I was seeing his true self, which, until then, had been masked by his eccentric jolliness. This was the real Prince Shamel, a serious man with an alert and resolute expression. In a semiofficial tone of voice, the prince expounded on the jobs already completed. He spoke of pamphlets and strikes and the statement that would need to be issued on the cabinet reshuffle. I was having difficulty keeping up, still in a state of shock. My mind wandered away from the current discussion, and I started wondering how this group had come into existence and how Hasan Mu’min had come to know Prince Shamel.

Then, I recalled what Hasan had said at our last meeting, “We are now working with a broad coalition.” I also remembered the prince telling me that my participation in the resistance was no mere coincidence. He had known everything all along. Returning to the proceedings, I heard Odette’s gravelly voice. “Comrade Abdoun. Please update us on the situation at the Automobile Club.”

Abdoun’s face turned somber as he leaned forward and started speaking as if delivering a report, “The king spends his evenings in the Club. He never misses a night. He is addicted to gambling. This week, he won a fortune from Fuad Pasha Hindawi. Rumor has it that Fuad Pasha lost so as to win a seat in the cabinet in the upcoming reshuffle.”

“Have you heard anything about the reshuffle?” Odette asked.

“The staff in the casino heard the king telling Fuad Pasha to get his levée suit pressed.”

The prince seemed intrigued by this and added, “This means that he’ll appoint him. Just as I expected, this government’s days are numbered.”

“We’ll need to mention this,” Atiya said, “in the statement we’re drafting.”

“The new government will be just like the old one,” Odette said. “It’ll be a minority government made up of stooges of the English. Our struggle is not with the government but with the corrupt king who is subservient to the occupation and acts against the people.”

“That’s correct,” the prince added. “Our statement needs to point out that a cabinet reshuffle will not solve the crisis.”

“I’ll finish editing it and show it to you next time.”

The prince nodded and looked down at his papers, when Abdoun spoke up, “If I may, there is something that I should like to bring to our attention.”

“Please be brief,” the prince said. “We have a lot to get through on the agenda.”

“I am going to see Alku,” Abdoun said, “to demand that he put an end to corporal punishment.”

“And do you think,” asked Odette, “that Alku will agree?”

“I don’t expect so.”

“Then why are you going to see him?”

“Mainly to break down the barrier of fear and show my colleagues that it is possible to stand up to him.”

“Indeed,” added Atiya, “the most important thing is to break down the barrier of fear.”

“Alku will get the greatest shock of his life,” the prince laughed. “He has never imagined that one of his subordinates might stand up to him.”

“Your late father,” Abdoun said, looking at me, “was the first man who showed some guts in dealing with Alku.”

I felt embarrassed at his having mentioned my father. I nodded and smiled as if thanking him. Abdoun then turned back to the prince.

“I’m going to go see Alku tomorrow at midnight.”

“Call me afterward, so I will know that you are all right.”

“Excuse me,” interrupted Odette, “but I object.”

There was silence as everyone looked expectantly at Odette. She adjusted her spectacles and took a drag on her cigarette.

“We need to define the purpose of every step we take. Let me remind you of what our purpose has been from the start. We are in agreement that the king’s love of gambling has turned the Automobile Club into the seat of Egypt’s government. We are in agreement that we should expose the king’s sordid dealings and his subservience to the English. We have all stated that a revolution is needed to destroy the old order completely so that we can build the Egypt that we want. Abdoun managed to infiltrate the Automobile Club so as to provide us intelligence. You are all aware that we are planning an important operation inside the Club. Thus, we should not be distracted or draw unnecessary attention to ourselves.”