Miklós Bánffy - They Were Found Wanting

And in fact it must be admitted that to stroll down the corridor when Parliament reassembled in September of the year 1908 was a real pleasure, a pleasure rarely to be found by attendance at the official debates. In the House itself business seemed largely to be confined to the reading by notaries of endless legal papers that were best condemned to eternal oblivion, and to the formalities of the opening session. Outside, on the other hand, one was free to choose and discuss whatever subjects one found most exciting.

And there was plenty to discuss: for example, the banking system. A week before Balint arrived Istvan Tisza had made a speech at Bihar roundly condemning the idea of a separate national banking system, reinforcing his argument with a forceful parade of economic fact and theory and a careful exposé of the inevitable effect of such an innovation upon the value of the national currency and the stability of interest rates. It was a good speech and Tisza backed his views with sound professional reasoning.

The public, always watchful where its own pocket was concerned, for once became interested, and took the matter seriously, as did some of the more thoughtful members of the Independence Party who, as a result of Tisza’s remarks, now began to question this aspect of their own party’s official policy. For these people it was perhaps an unexpected blessing that a counterbalance now presented itself in the form of a banker who was, there could be no doubt of it, a far greater expert on banking questions than the ex-Minister-President. This man, of course, was not a politician — he was no less than a real banker. And while Tisza had only been a mere ex-Minister-President — and an enemy of the Coalition to boot — the Corridor’s favourite new oracle was not only a professional banker but without doubt, they said, a far more patriotic Hungarian than Tisza himself.

The banker’s articles had a great effect on the Corridor and, as they were firmly in favour of an independent banking system, were warmly received by all who wanted to be seen as true patriots. Everywhere people praised the skill of his arguments and there were some who even announced with the air of those with inner knowledge that he was intimate with the Rothschilds and that, if one read between the lines, it was clear that he himself would be able to achieve what he wrote was so desirable and that he was offering his services to do just that for his country. What a wonderful fellow, said the Corridor, while whispering that, miracle of miracles, he also knew how to find the money to pay for such an innovation. Of course he had said that an independent national bank would have to raise interest rates but that would be no obstacle, oh, no! There were even some, Hollo’s unimportant little group principally, who went so far as to declare that if interest rates rose then the level of national borrowing would be reduced and soon vanish altogether. Naturally, for if interest rose then money would be cheaper! Why? Because all the middlemen would be destroyed. It was as simple as that!

This was a marvellous theory, which might not perhaps have held up if anyone had paused to ask who were the middlemen in the Austrian banking world, or even in that of Budapest. No one was prepared to hear a word against these comforting predictions, nor was the Corridor prepared to consider for a moment the suggestion put forward by the Andrassy Party and the People’s Party — who had always been opponents of an independent banking system — that it was the Rothschilds who were behind these articles because they realized that it was to their great financial empire that Hungary would have to turn to finance the establishment of a national bank, and so they would be able to grab for themselves the immense business such a development would entail. The Corridor’s view was that one should never listen to such unlikely rumours and anyhow what was wrong with making the Devil your partner if the country benefited?

The other great subject of discussion was the proposal for introducing general suffrage and everywhere it was rumoured that Andrassy was pushing the idea of a plural vote which meant that university graduates and other learned men would have two, or even three, votes each.

Rumour also had it that Andrassy, who was now considered by many people to be the Nigger in the Woodpile, was now busy redrawing the constituency boundaries so as to ensure that in districts where the ethnic minorities were in the majority, their vote would predominate just as the Hungarian vote would carry the day where Hungarians were in the majority. Who ever heard of such a thing, cried the chauvinists? Give a say to Romanians, Serbs and Slovaks in a Hungarian province? Make sure that in districts largely inhabited by such people a non-ethnic Hungarian would be able to win a seat? Merely to think such rubbish was unpatriotic! Of course there was always a simple way out — to reduce the numbers of members that represented the areas of mixed race and double those to be elected in such purely Hungarian districts as the Alfold — the Great Hungarian Plain — and the Dunantul. This was an especially attractive idea to the rank and file of the Independence Party since it was precisely where the Independence Party had its most loyal support. Such an arrangement, they whispered, would also ensure that whatever else happened their own party majority would be ensured for ever and ever.

Such an arrangement would also have the virtue, they cried, of rendering quite unnecessary the idea of the plural vote if Andrassy had planned this in the nation’s best interests; while if he had really intended it only as a privilege for university graduates then the idea should be thrown out at once as being a sinister attack on the Equality of Man!

This was what the Corridor, though in hushed tones, was saying about the proposals for reform of the voting laws and the introduction of universal suffrage; and the only significance of it was that people felt free to discuss the matter with such freedom

However, it happened there was at this time another issue of such importance that even the reform of voting rights took second place; this was the proposal to fuse the largest political parties — the Independence and Constitution Parties — with, perhaps, the inclusion also of the People’s Party. If this came about then only one effective party would exist and all political struggle would be for the benefit of that single party. And then it would be that single party which would enjoy the popularity of bringing in the reform of the voting rights. In this case, of course, plurality might not be such a bad idea after all, and neither would be the redrawing of the constituencies. Great Heavens! they were saying, better not close the door on such ideas; perhaps after all it would be better to keep their options open?

Then an awful doubt would strike — supposing, just supposing, that universal suffrage was brought in by a different party? Then it would be that party which earned the public’s acclaim. If it were not the Independence Party but some other that was responsible for introducing universal suffrage? Then it would be that party which would pocket all the popularity and not they but Andrassy, perhaps, who would benefit. Oh, no! they cried, we’re not going to be that sort of fool!

And so the talk went on, rumour tempering rumour, and all that was certain was that somewhere, secretly, discussions about a marriage of the great parties were taking place. Even the views of the party leaders were not known for sure. Some said that Kossuth was in favour while Justh was not. No one was quite sure what Ugron’s view was; but nearly everyone was in agreement that Polonyi was hedging his bets by talking to all sides at once … even though this might bring him into disrepute with the government. Still, politics were politics …