How much he valued his poor friend he showed at his death, post , Jan. 20, 1782.
[721]
‘O et praesidium et dulce decus meum.’
‘My joy, my guard, and sweetest good.’
CREECH. Horace, Odes , i. I. 2.
[722] It was in 1738 that Johnson was living in Castle Street. At the time of Reynolds’s arrival in London in 1752 he had been living for some years in Gough Square. Boswell, I suppose, only means to say that Johnson’s acquaintance with the Cotterells was formed when he lived in their neighbourhood. Northcote ( Life of Reynolds , i. 69) says that the Cotterells lived ‘opposite to Reynolds’s,’ but his account seems based on a misunderstanding of Boswell.
[723] Ante , p. 165.
[724] ‘We are both of Dr. Johnson’s school,’ wrote Reynolds to some friend. ‘For my own part, I acknowledge the highest obligations to him. He may be said to have formed my mind, and to have brushed from it a great deal of rubbish. Those very persons whom he has brought to think rightly will occasionally criticise the opinions of their master when he nods. But we should always recollect that it is he himself who taught us and enabled us to do it.’ Taylor’s Reynolds , ii. 461. Burke, writing to Malone, said:—‘You state very properly how much Reynolds owed to the writings and conversation of Johnson; and nothing shews more the greatness of Sir Joshua’s parts than his taking advantage of both, and making some application of them to his profession, when Johnson neither understood nor desired to understand anything of painting.’ Ib . p. 638. Reynolds, there can be little question, is thinking of Johnson in the following passage in his Seventh Discourse :—‘What partial and desultory reading cannot afford may be supplied by the conversation of learned and ingenious men, which is the best of all substitutes for those who have not the means or opportunities of deep study. There are many such men in this age: and they will be pleased with communicating their ideas to artists, when they see them curious and docile, if they are treated with that respect and deference which is so justly their due. Into such society young artists, if they make it the point of their ambition, will by degrees be admitted. There, without formal teaching, they will insensibly come to feel and reason like those they live with, and find a rational and systematic taste imperceptibly formed in their minds, which they will know how to reduce to a standard, by applying general truth to their own purposes, better perhaps than those to whom they owned [?owed] the original sentiment.’ Reynolds’s Works , edit. 1824, i. 149. ‘Another thing remarkable to shew how little Sir Joshua crouched to the great is, that he never gave them their proper titles. I never heard the words “your lordship” or “your ladyship” come from his mouth; nor did he ever say “Sir” in speaking to any one but Dr. Johnson; and when he did not hear distinctly what the latter said (which often happened) he would then say “Sir?” that he might repeat it.’ Northcote’s Conversations , p. 289. Gibbon called Johnson ‘Reynolds’s oracle.’ Gibbon’s Misc. Works , i. 149. See also post , under Dec. 29, 1778.
[725] The thought may have been suggested to Reynolds by Johnson’s writings. In The Rambler , No. 87, he had said:—‘There are minds so impatient of inferiority, that their gratitude is a species of revenge, and they return benefits, not because recompense is a pleasure, but because obligation is a pain.’ In No. 166, he says:—‘To be obliged is to be in some respect inferior to another.’
[726] Northcote tells the following story on the authority of Miss Reynolds. It is to be noticed, however, that in her Recollections (Croker’s Boswell , p. 832) the story is told somewhat differently. Johnson, Reynolds and Miss Reynolds one day called on the Miss Cotterells. ‘Johnson was the last of the three that came in; when the maid, seeing this uncouth and dirty figure of a man, and not conceiving he could be one of the company, laid hold of his coat, just as he was going up-stairs, and pulled him back again, saying, “You fellow, what is your business here? I suppose you intended to rob the house.” This most unlucky accident threw him into such a fit of shame and anger that he roared out like a bull, “What have I done? What have I done?”’ Northcote’s Reynolds , i. 73.
[727] Johnson writing to Langton on January 9, 1759, describes him as ‘towering in the confidence of twenty-one.’ The conclusion of The Rambler was in March 1752, when Langton must have been only fourteen or just fifteen at most; Johnson’s first letter to him dated May 6, 1755, shews that at that time their acquaintance had been but short. Langton’s subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles in the Register of the University of Oxford was on July 7, 1757. Johnson’s first letter to him at Oxford is dated June 28, 1757.
[728] See post , March 20, 1782.
[729] ‘My friend Maltby and I,’ said Samuel Rogers, ‘when we were very young men, had a strong desire to see Dr. Johnson; and we determined to call upon him, and introduce ourselves. We accordingly proceeded to his house in Bolt Court; and I had my hand on the knocker when our courage failed us, and we retreated. Many years afterwards I mentioned this circumstance to Boswell, who said, “What a pity that you did not go boldly in! He would have received you with all kindness.”’ Rogers’s Table Talk , p. 9. For Johnson’s levee see post , 1770, in Dr. Maxwell’s Collectanea .
[730] ‘George Langton,’ writes Mr. Best in his Memorials (p. 66), ‘shewed me his pedigree with the names and arms of the families with which his own had intermarried. It was engrossed on a piece of parchment about ten inches broad, and twelve to fifteen feet long. “It leaves off at the reign of Queen Elizabeth,” said he.’
[731] Topham Beauclerk was the only son of Lord Sidney Beauclerk, fifth son of the first Duke of St. Alban’s. He was therefore the great-grandson of Charles II. and Nell Gwynne. He was born in Dec. 1739. In my Dr. Johnson: His Friends and his Critics I have put together such facts as I could find about Langton and Beauclerk.
[732] Mr. Best describes Langton as ‘a very tall, meagre, long-visaged man, much resembling a stork standing on one leg near the shore in Raphael’s cartoon of the Miraculous Draught of Fishes. His manners were, in the highest degree, polished; his conversation mild, equable and always pleasing.’ Best’s Memorials , p. 62. Miss Hawkins writes:—‘If I were called on to name the person with whom Johnson might have been seen to the fairest advantage, I should certainly name Mr. Langton.’ Miss Hawkins’s Memoirs , i. 144. Mrs. Piozzi wrote in 1817:—‘I remember when to have Langton at a man’s house stamped him at once a literary character.’ Hayward’s Piozzi , ii. 203.
[733] In the summer of 1759. See post , under April 15, 1758, and 1759.
[734] Lord Charlemont said that ‘Beauclerk possessed an exquisite taste, various accomplishments, and the most perfect good breeding. He was eccentric, often querulous, entertaining a contempt for the generality of the world, which the politeness of his manners could not always conceal; but to those whom he liked most generous and friendly. Devoted at one time to pleasure, at another to literature, sometimes absorbed in play, sometimes in books, he was altogether one of the most accomplished, and when in good humour and surrounded by those who suited his fancy, one of the most agreeable men that could possibly exist.’ Lord Charlemont’s Life , i. 210. Hawkins writes ( Life , p. 422) that ‘over all his behaviour there beamed such a sunshine of cheerfulness and good-humour as communicated itself to all around him.’ Mrs. Piozzi said of him:—‘Topham Beauclerk (wicked and profligate as he wished to be accounted) was yet a man of very strict veracity. Oh Lord! how I did hate that horrid Beauclerk.’ Hayward’s Piozzi , i. 348. Rogers ( Table-Talk , p. 40) said that ‘Beauclerk was a strangely absent person.’ He once went to dress for a dinner-party in his own house. ‘He forgot all about his guests; thought that it was bed-time, and got into bed. His servant, coming to tell him that his guests were waiting for him, found him fast asleep.’
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