A Companion to Greek Warfare

26 26 Ober 1994.

27 27 Snodgrass 1965a, 1993, 2013; Krentz 1985a, 2000, 2002; Foxhall 1993, 2013; Rawlings 2000, 2007, 2013; van Wees 2000a, 2001, 2004, 2013. Terming these writers “revisionist”: Wheeler 2011, 79–104.

28 28 Snodgrass 1964, 1965a, 1965b, 1967, 1971, 1980.

29 29 Snodgrass 1964, 83–84, 89–90, 136–139, 193–204, 1965a, 110.

30 30 Snodgrass 1965a, 115, 1980, 101–102, 106–107.

31 31 Finley 1970; Salmon 1977; Murray 1980.

32 32 Latacz 1977.

33 33 Latacz 1977, 45–67, 224–245.

34 34 As argued by Raaflaub (2005, 2008, 2013a, 2013b), who accepts the existence of a “proto-phalanx” and thus rejects the larger thesis.

35 35 Pritchett 1971–1991 v.4, 1–44; Hanson 1995, 2000. French scholars added a different political color to this scholarship: a hoplite “republic of Equals” in which “political and military systems were perfectly homologous” (Detienne 1968, 140; my translation). See also Greenhalgh 1973; Cartledge 1977, 1996.

36 36 Meyer 1893; Helbig 1911; Weber 1922; Glotz 1928; Nilsson 1928, 1929; Ehrenberg 1932, 1937. Recent critique of the link between Aristotle and hoplite history: Echeverría 2008, 93–103; van Wees 2013.

37 37 Lorimer 1947.

38 38 Lorimer 1947, 76.

39 39 An analysis of technological determinism and hoplites: Echeverría 2008, 193–248, 2010. “Arms race” applied to Greece and hoplite warfare: Lorimer 1947, 108; Andrewes 1956, 38; Cartledge 1977, 18; Salmon 1977, 96; Holladay 1982, 99–100. “Peer-polity interactions”: Snodgrass 1986, 51–52.

40 40 Andrewes 1956.

41 41 Drews 1972 modified this view, arguing that the “hoplites” on which the would-be tyrants relied were not lower-class members of the community but mercenaries, and thus skipped the social transformation envisioned by others.

42 42 “Hoplite reform”: Snodgrass 1965a, 1965b; Detienne 1968; Greenhalgh 1973. Previous scholars had naturally conceived the idea of a military and political reform or revolution: Lorimer 1947, 92; Andrewes 1956, 38. I think the phrase “hoplite revolution” more appropriate, considering the nature of the social, political, and military changes ascribed to it.

43 43 Polignac 1984.

44 44 Morris 1987, 196–202.

45 45 Morris 1987, 19–42, 175–183, 1996.

46 46 Bryant 1990; Bowden 1993; Mitchell 1996; Osborne 1996; Storch 1998. Even Snodgrass (1993) reconsidered his old position in the light of the recent developments.

47 47 Nilsson 1928, 1929; Lorimer 1947; Snodgrass 1964, 1965a, 1965b.

48 48 Snodgrass 1965a, 1965b; Detienne 1968; Cartledge 1977, 2013a; Salmon 1977; Bryant 1990; Lazenby 1991; Hanson 1995; Kagan and Viggiano 2013a. Nilsson spoke of a “hoplite-state” already in 1929 (p. 9), so the potential for the spread of the term was already present.

49 49 Snodgrass 1964, 204. For a recent consideration of the terms hoplite and phalanx, see Echeverría 2012.

50 50 Hanson 1983, 1989, 1991a, 1991b, 1995, 1996, 2000, 2013.

51 51 For a recent discussion on the polis as a “community of warriors,” see Berent 2000, 273–285. The fundamental passages are Arist. Pol. 1265b 28–29, 1268a 21–23, 1279b 2–4, 1297b 1–2, 1329a 11–12.

52 52 For a synthesis and critique of these assumptions, see Echevverría 2008, 29–71, with Kagan and Viggiano 2013a, and also the syntheses in Bryant 1990, 494–500; Wheeler 1991a, Bowden 1993, 47–49; Cartledge 1996, 685–686; Raaflaub 1997, 49–50; Krentz 2007a, 61–65; Hunt 2009, 231–234; Viggiano 2013.

53 53 Keegan 1976.

54 54 The problem of the disappearance and reappearance of the hoplite mode of fighting: Hanson 1989, 1995, 1996; cf. Snodgrass on 2013, 92–93 on the end of the hoplite.

55 55 Schwartz 2002, 2009, 2013; Viggiano 2013.

56 56 Fundamentally by Foxhall 1993, 2013; van Wees 2000a, 2001, 2013. Further criticism on Hanson’s political and ideological bias in González and López-Barja 2012.

57 57 Van Wees 1986, 1988, 1992, 1994a, 1994b, 1996, 1997.

58 58 Krentz reassessed the weight of the panoply and found it much lighter than previously thought. This finding, too, made it easier to envision an open battlefield. See Krentz 2007a, 70–71, 2010, 50, 2013b, 135–137. Rawlings also questions the burden of the hoplite panoply (2000, 246–249).

59 59 Krentz 2010, 2013a, 2013b.

60 60 Krentz 2000, 2002, 2007a, 76–79.

61 61 Van Wees 2001, 2002, 2006, 2013.

62 62 Foxhall 1993, 1997, 2013.

63 63 Rawlings 2000.

64 64 Raaflaub 1993, 1996, 1997. Other critiques of the hoplite narrative, aside from those noted in this section: van Wees 1995; Raaflaub 2013a.

65 65 van Wees 2013. Other views of the problems of narrative and causation: Echeverría 2008, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2015; Konijnendijk 2016, 2018; Lloyd 2017.

66 66 Kagan and Viggiano 2013a, xvii.

67 67 Kagan and Viggiano 2013a, loc. cit.

68 68 “The silence of the record is so impressive that one should doubt the presuppositions of the ‘hoplite’ theory” (Sealey 1976, 57); “The ‘hoplite revolution’ must be listed among the great non-events of history” (Frost 1984, 293); “There is no evidence whatsoever to support the theory that there was a hoplite reform” (Morris 1987, 198); “We should begin by expelling from the closets of our textbooks two skeletons that have lingered there far too long. One is the theory that tyranny and hoplite phalanx were directly connected […]. The other skeleton is the theory of the ‘hoplite revolution’” (Raaflaub 1997, 53). See also Nafissi 2009, 129.

69 69 Foxhall 1997, 119. Military law remains a neglected field. There is no chapter on the subject in handbooks such as Lipsius 1905–1915, or Harrison 1968–1971, and recent essays are few; see, however, Naiden 2018, 103–104 with refs.

70 70 Viggiano 2013, 126.

71 71 Viggiano 2013, 119.

72 72 Van Wees 2013. Krentz also attempted an alternative interpretation of “hoplite warfare” (2002, 35–37), while Lloyd (2017, 239–246) specifically addresses the diversity of the Greek world in his own account. Another alternative is Morgan 2001.

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