Edmond Paris - The Secret History of the Jesuits

The spectacular intrusion of the Holy-Office in international politics, voiced by Cardinal Ottaviani, shocked even Catholics who were long accustomed to the Roman Church's encroachments in the affairs of State.

Rome was aware of it. But the perpetuation of the cold war is so vitally important to the Vatican's political power, and even its financial prosperity, that it did not hesitate repeating such political views, even though the first one had been badly received.

The journey Mr. Khrushchev made to France, in March 1960, gave it another opportunity. Dijon was one of the cities the Soviet leader was to visit. Like all his colleagues in the same situation, the mayor of Dijon had to welcome courteously the guest of the French Republic. The chief city of Burgandy had an ecclesiastic as its deputy-mayor, Canon Kir.

According to the canonical law, the Holy See had expressly authorised thc priest to accept this double mandate—with all the functions and duties entailed. However, his bishop forbade the mayor-canon to receive Mr.

Khrushchev. On that occasion, the municipal sash had to give way to the cassock.

So, the visitor was welcomed by an assistant who stood in for the absent deputy-mayor. But the unconstrained manner in which the "hierarchy"

scoffed at civil authority on that occasion aroused the sharpest comments, On the 30th of March, "Le Monde" wrote:

"Who is actually exercising authority over the mayor of Dijon: the bishop or the prefect? And above these representatives of a central power: the pope or the French government? This is the question asked In everyone..."

The answer is not doubtful: theocracy first. But, from now on, to be received by a cassock wearing mayor, will the guests of the French Republic have to be supplied with confession tickets?

In the aforementioned article, the editor of "Le Monde" also rightly says:

"Beyond this French interior question, the Kir affair brings to our notice a larger problem. The Vatican's action is not concerned only with the relations between a mayor and his government. In the way it took place, it c o n stitutes a direct and spectacular intervention in international

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diplomacy"

This is certainly true—and the reactions this affair provoked nearly everywhere show that its import was clearly understood by world opinion. In the United States especially, the public, which had already witnessed the hostile demonstrations organised by the cardinals Spellman and Cushing during Mr. Khrushchev's visit, started to question the real independence a Roman Catholic president could preserve with regard to the Holy See.

Many feared, in that case, to see the foreign politics of the country bent in favour of the Roman Church's interests—to the prejudice of the nation's interests, no small danger in any circumstances, but above all in the present situation.

The resistance to the move for an East-West "detente" was then organised "openly", after the "bomb" thrown by Cardinal Ottaviani.

A ridiculous instrument, some may say, compared with those which threatened to bury under ruins—sooner or later—nations mad enough to remain in the deadlock of a snarling antagonism. But we can see that the Vatican, compelled to use "spiritual" arms, endeavoured to make the best of them. The Jesuits, who steer its diplomacy, were doing their uttermost to ward off the worst "calamity" which ever hovered over the Holy See: an international accord which excluded resorting to war.

What would become of the Vatican's prestige, its political importance and all the advantages, pecuniary and others, which proceed from it if, because of such an accord, it could not plot anymore, use its influence, haggle over its co-operation with governments, favour some and bully others, oppose nations, create conflicts for the benefit of its own interests— and if, to serve its immoderate ambitions, it could not find any more soldiers?

*No one can be deceived—and the Jesuits even less than others—a general disarmament would toll the knell of the Roman Church as a world power.

And the "spiritual" head itself would totter.

We must then expect to see the sons of Loyola opposing with all their arsenal of tricks the desire for peace of nations and governments. To ruin the edifice whose foundations are tentatively laid, they will not spare their mines and counter mines. It is a war without mercy, a holy war, sparked off by Cardinal Ottaviani's mad speech. And the Company of Jesus will pursue it with the blind obstinacy of the insect—"ad majorem papae gloriam"— without any anxiety as to the catastrophes which will result. The world must perish, rather than the supremacy of the Roman Pontiff!

*PUBLISHER'S NOTE:

Edmond Paris was at a disadvantage in that he wasn't aware that a shift was already under way by the

'Whore of Revelation" to fulfill Bible prophecy. She is prepared for all eventualities.

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The Jesuits evaluated World War III and decided the U.S. would lose, and the Vatican always goes with the winner. Since then she has enthusiastically thrown her support to Moscow and even acquired a communist pope from Poland. She is secretly preparing a concordat with Russia, and currently pushing a Marxist gospel world wide. The Jesuits are currently behind the disarmament movement to subdue the U.S.

Moscow will serve the Vatican as the muscle to conquer nations where Roman Catholicism will he the only religion tolerated world wide. Russia will be pushed to attack Israel, fulfilling the prophecies of the Bible (Ezekiel, chapters 38 & 39) and the antichrist of the Vatican will await his doom at the second coming of Christ.

J.T.C.

Conclusion

We have recapitulated, in this book, the main manifestations of the multiform activity deployed by the Company of Jesus, during four centuries; we have established also that the militant, even military, character of this famous and ultramontane institution fully justifies the title often attributed to it of "secret army of the Papacy".

To the front of the action, for the glory of God—and especially of the Holy See—is the order these ecclesiastical soldiers gave themselves and of which they are proud; at the same time, they endeavour, through the book and pious press which they supervise, to disguise as much as possible and present as

"apostolic" enterprises the action they exercise in their favourite field: the nations' politics.

The clever camouflage, the protestations of innocence, the railleries about the "dark schemings" attributed to them by the disordered imagination of their enemies—and which are groundless, according to them—all this is outweighed by the unanimous hostility of public opinion towards them, always and everywhere, and by the inevitable reaction to their intrigues which brought about their explulsion from every country, even from the most strongly Catholic.

These fifty-six expulsions, to quote only the main ones, provide an invincible argument! It would be sufficient to prove the evil nature of this Order.

How could it not be injurious to civil societies as it is the papacy's most efficacious instrument in imposing its law on temporal governments, and that this law—by nature—has no consideration for the various national interests?

The Holy See, being essentially opportunist, does embrace these interests when they coincide with its own—we saw this happen in 1914 and 1939—but, if it brings them a substantial help then, the final result is not beneficial for all that. This was seen also in 1918 and 1945.

Terrible to its enemies, or those who oppose it, the Vatican, th i s

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amphibious clerico-political organisation, is even more deadly to its friends. By observing some vigilance, one can be forewarned of its underhand thrusts, but its embraces are deadly.