Christopher Nuttall - The Invasion of 1950

“Good luck,” he said, as the door opened, revealing the Cabinet and a handful of other advisors. DeRiemer felt his heart beating faster as he entered the room and took up position near one end of the table. The man at the other end of the table gave him a reassuring smile. The Prime Minister was surprisingly popular with the rank and file, but not always popular with his own people; he presided over a coalition government with the Conservatives, who held nearly half the important seats on the Cabinet. Neither side had been able to win a decisive victory in the recent election, and Atlee had decided to continue with the coalition rather than accept a lame duck government or, worse, a permanent stalemate.

His gaze flickered around the room, seeing some familiar faces and others who were hardly known outside the government. Anthony Eden, Leader of the Conservative Party and Deputy Prime Minister. Hugh Dalton, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Lord Halifax, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs — he’d never win an election, not without a more popular patron and everyone else in the race dying. His betrayal of Churchill meant that without Atlee, he was nothing. No one really trusted him. James Chuter Ede, the Home Secretary, Stafford Cripps, Secretary of State for India and Burma; he was the man who had worked out the agreement that would make India independent…

And, finally, Sir Winston Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty. Churchill looked older now, but his eyes were as bright as ever. Those eyes met DeRiemer’s own long enough to judge him, nod in approval, and turn away to watch Atlee like a hooded snake waiting to strike. The tension in the room was a malignant presence. DeRiemer had been warned several times to stay out of the power struggle at the heart of the British government. Churchill had never forgiven his own party for conspiring against him back in 1943 when they’d forced through a peace with Germany, a peace that DeRiemer suspected was about to shatter.

“This meeting of the Cabinet is called to order,” Atlee said, shortly. He nodded over at a secretary who would record the minutes. “Sir Stewart, I believe that you insisted on holding this meeting.”

Major-General Sir Stewart Menzies stood up. “Yes, Prime Minister,” he said. He nodded to DeRiemer. “This young man was charged with collecting information regarding the various German units that were displayed at their recent Victory Day parade in Germany and the smaller parades that took place in various other cities in the Reich including Paris and Moscow. He has uncovered an interesting amount of information.”

Atlee’s gaze swung around to meet DeRiemer’s eyes. “Very well,” he said, sounding tired. The Cabinet was forever divided on the subject of Nazi Germany with Churchill calling for increased preparations for a war he saw as inevitable and Lord Halifax calling for peace at any price. “You may begin.”

DeRiemer tapped the map on the wall. “My department was charged with monitoring the development, growth, and operations of the Germany military machine,” he said, carefully. “We suspected from the end of the war that Hitler would eventually decide to turn his attention back to Britain and attempt an invasion. With this in mind, we created an intelligence web running through the Reich and the Reich’s allies to monitor the German preparations.”

He paused. “At the end of the war in Russia, Hitler continued to expand his army, but with an increased focus on counterinsurgency,” he continued. “Although Beria’s forces were defeated and he was forced into submission to the Reich — with his government effectively a caretaker government until the Reich took over — the Russian partisans refused to give up the fight and continued to fight the Germans. They, in return, deployed upwards of one hundred and fifty infantry divisions into the area and hunted the partisans down through brute force and developing their own intelligence networks.”

He wondered how he could explain it to them. The forced relocations, the enslavement of entire cities and villages, the use of forced labour everywhere across the Reich . The massive autobahns the Reich was so proud of, stretching all the way to Iran, or Japanese-held territory in the Far East, had been built with slave labour and millions of deaths. The average German family had more than enough to eat, but much of that food came from plantations in the east, each one working its slaves to death to grow the food. It made him wonder, late at night; did the Germans know what was being done in their name?

“The remaining fifty divisions — Hitler was determined on two hundred divisions as a permanent force — remained as armoured and motorized infantry, with a handful of specialist units,” DeRiemer continued. “The Germans shook their fists at Switzerland a few times, and threatened Turkey when the Turks started providing sanctuary to Jews and other refugees from the German war machine, but the main area of concern for those units was the remains of Russia. Hitler didn’t trust Beria and… well, he wanted to take over the remaining Russian landscape once he had finished absorbing the territory he took in the last war. This ensured that the Nazis would be supreme on the continent and would maintain a viable fighting force if we ever tried a landing in France.

“But, now, the Germans are making a series of odd military moves,” he said. “They have moved four entire Luftwaffe wings from the east to Norway and France. Units that they don’t seem to have any need for in France. They always maintained ten divisions in France itself, but now they have reinforced them with another ten divisions, four of them armoured with their latest tanks and other equipment.

“Overall, there seems to be a massive attempt to bring the German military machine back up to standard as quickly as possible; this effort seems to be spreading everywhere. There are units on counterinsurgency operations in Russia that have been ordered to prepare themselves for action and report on their readiness.”

He tapped the map for a moment. “This puzzled me, and so I dug deeper into the intelligence that we were receiving and found much more,” he continued. “The Germans have been carrying out a vastly increased series of drills in the Baltic Sea, each of them involving their warships… and landing craft. The Luftwaffe has also been running drills, including parachute drills and at least some precision bombing drills. They were recently rearmed with newer aircraft and now they’re drilling endlessly.”

He met Atlee’s eyes, hoping to convince him through sheer force of personality. “There seems to be no need for a mobilisation, sir, and that is what we’re seeing; a covert mobilisation. The Germans don’t need so many units to advance east and finish off the Russians. I don’t believe that they would want to do that at the moment, not with the counterinsurgency operations they’re still running. Even an operation against any of the other continental powers wouldn’t require so much fire-power or a joint services operation; there has to be another reason for the operation.”

His finger traced out the German positions on the map. “I believe that they intend to attack Britain,” he said. “That is the only explanation that fits the facts.”

There was a long pause. “An interesting idea,” Lord Halifax said finally. His voice was clipped, an upper-class accent, but DeRiemer could hear a trace of bitterness underlying his words. Lord Halifax would never be a great man in his own right. “Do we have any reason to believe that it’s not an exercise?”

DeRiemer nodded. “The Germans last conducted a major exercise in 1948,” he said. “At that time, the Germans provided us with a month’s warning of the planned exercise and we raised our own readiness to compensate, just in case. The exercise went off without a hitch — we learned a great deal from watching them — and the Germans declared it a success. This time, they haven’t sent us any warning, and they don’t seem to have told their own people much about the exercise either.”