Dale Brown - Executive Intent

“But what if China does have another agenda?” Ann Page asked. “We’re not opposing China -we want their investments and cheap goods. But what if China has other plans that we might oppose? Could they take away our advantage in space if we don’t respond to this escalation?”

“That’s a policy hypothetical that doesn’t concern us right now, Dr. Page,” Turner said. “This meeting was called to explore whether this recent development constituted a credible and imminent threat to national security that needed to be addressed right away by the White House. The answer seems to be no. Am I correct in that, ladies and gentlemen?”

“I think it remains to be seen, sir,” Ann said.

“As General Bain said, Secretary Turner: We’re looking down the barrels of a lot of guns all of a sudden,” Kai said. “The only defense against a bolt-from-the-blue antisatellite attack is with defensive weapons, and right now our defenses are borderline. We couldn’t survive a direct concentrated attack without a full-up constellation of interceptor garages and a fully responsive and integrated defense data network, based from up here. China could have the capability to shoot down this station at a time and place of their choosing, and our chances of surviving an attack is low right now without more support.”

“Message received and understood, General Raydon,” Turner said. “Thank you for your input. Thank you, everyone.” And the connection went dead.

“Well?” President Joseph Gardner asked impatiently on the secure phone line from the Oval Office, just a few moments from the conclusion of the videoconference at the Pentagon. With him were Vice President Kenneth Phoenix, Chief of Staff Walter Kordus, National Security Adviser Conrad Carlyle, and Secretary of State Stacy Anne Barbeau. “What’s the word?”

“As you surmised, sir: The Air Force and the space nuts are all freaked out, but the Joint Chiefs don’t think it’s a big deal that China tested this sub-launched antisatellite missile,” Miller Turner said. “The Joint Chiefs say it was a successful demo of an antisatellite system that’s not likely to be used except to show the world that China doesn’t like current U.S. space policy. They may continue to deploy more antisatellite weapons and submarines, but are unlikely to ever use them. Space Defense Force thinks they can defend themselves against all but a concentrated, dedicated assault, which everyone agrees is very unlikely.”

“But of course Page and Raydon want more, right?”

“Of course. Like you said, they want to accelerate deployment of more interceptor garages and set up the fully integrated space defense network-with them in full control, of course.”

“Apparently we haven’t made it clear enough to them that it’s not going to happen: The Space Defense Force is pure fiction, and it’s not going to get one single dime more than what’s budgeted right now to keep their stuff operating at current levels,” Gardner said. “Thank you for getting that meeting put together so quickly, Miller. I’ll be talking with Stacy about what our diplomatic response should be, but I’m encouraged by the fact that China gave the world a heads-up before testing that weapon, even if it was a pretty short one. I think once the saber-rattling dies down, we’ll be able to work with the Chinese to ratchet the tension down. Thanks again.”

“Yes, Mr. President,” Turner said, signing off.

The president nodded and set the receiver on its hook. “It’s as we figured: The Chiefs say the missile launch was a successful test of a new capability, but it doesn’t represent a significant threat because it’s immature technology and the Chinese have so few subs capable of launching the missiles,” he summarized for the others in the Oval Office with him. “Not a cause for undue concern. Thoughts?”

“I still disagree, sir,” Phoenix said. “We have a trillion-dollar investment in Armstrong Space Station and the other components of the Space Defense Force network. Testing that sub-launched antisatellite weapon was a direct threat to all of it. We have to respond by finishing the interceptor garages and completing integration of the space-sensor network with the rest of the military, and we have to do it quickly before China gains an advantage by fielding more of those antisatellite missiles.”

“It would take an emergency funding bill costing hundreds of billions of dollars, Mr. Vice President,” Carlyle said. “I don’t think we have the votes in Congress, and I’m positive we don’t have the money.”

“I believe strongly enough in the program that I’m willing to lead the effort to get as many representatives to support it as possible, Mr. President,” Phoenix said. “I know a group of lawmakers who would draft a bill, and I can get a number of industry groups and contractors together to explain exactly what the completed system would give us. Just say the word.”

“Maybe after the elections, Ken,” Gardner said flatly.

“We should act as quickly as we can, sir-”

“I think it’s important not to overreact to this test, Mr. Vice President,” Barbeau interjected when she saw Gardner ’s warning glare. “I’ve spoken with the premier and civilian military leadership of China, and they’ve all assured me that China views space as it does the high seas: It should be free for peaceful and cooperative exploitation by all nations.” She turned to the president. “The Chinese say current U.S. policy toward space makes it difficult for them to back away from deploying antisatellite weapons, sir.” She saw a hint of confusion in the president’s face, so she explained:

“Our stated policy is that travel, access, and development of space is considered a vital national imperative and we’ll defend it like our own soil and shores.” The confused look vanished, replaced by one of worry. “Our policies don’t mesh.”

“So you’re suggesting we change our policy because China doesn’t like it?” Phoenix asked. “Since when does China tell us what to say or do?”

“I’m not suggesting we change our policy because China said so, Mr. Vice President,” Barbeau said testily. “I’m saying that in my opinion the sticking point with the Chinese and other nations is that our policy states America is claiming the right to space and will go to war to protect that right. China and other space-faring states want a guarantee of free access for all. If they don’t get that assurance, their only response is to build and field weapons that can at least threaten our systems.”

“If they want an arms race, we should give it to them,” Phoenix said. “That’s how President Reagan took down the Soviet Union and ended the Cold War: He forced the Soviets to invest more and more in weapons until their economy finally collapsed. China may have a red-hot economy now, but if they’re forced into a space arms race with us, we can bankrupt them just as easily as the Soviets. We should-”

“All right, Ken, all right,” President Gardner interjected. “My main objective here is to keep the dialogue open between Washington and Beijing, and it’s been strained by the accidental attack on the Bush and the situation in Pakistan -”

“And their deployment of these ASAT bases and submarines,” Phoenix cut in.

“I said hold on, Ken.” The president paused reflectively, then went on: “As you all know, as SECNAV, I disagreed with President Martindale’s executive order about U.S. space policy-I didn’t think it was necessary to, in effect, plant a flag in space and dare other nations to try to knock it down. As SECDEF and president following the American Holocaust, I didn’t want to reverse any policy decisions that might make us look weak in the eyes of the world.