Gordon Ryan - Uncivil liberties

“Joyce,” the president said, turning to his old associate, “are you in agreement with Mr. Rawlings?”

“One hundred percent, Mr. President. I could not have phrased it any more clearly. May I ask a question of our participants this morning?”

“Certainly,” the president replied.

“Gentlemen, I will assume that you are all in agreement that what we are proposing out west is wrong. But can any one of you say that you do not agree with what we are saying? Are we wrong in our charges against the nature of intrusive political interference this past quarter century?”

Several of the men seated around the room looked to the president for response, but he remained quiet in his seat and slightly raised his hand in a gesture signifying approval for anyone who desired to do so, to speak.

Secretary Austin spoke first. “Governor Jefferson, I can’t fault your logic. But simply put, the game isn’t going your way, so you intend to pick up your marbles and go home. That’s the coward’s way out. The Montclair Advocacy, under General Del Valle’s leadership, has initiated a most appealing campaign against secession, citing a failure of the American citizen to make the necessary changes. Apathy is the enemy of democracy, not judicial fiat. Individual greed is the cause behind liberal politicians being elected, not a failure of the system. America became complacent. Our people found it easier to take a hand-out from the government than to suffer through tough times. Once those running for office promised ice cream, people forgot about the nutritional value of cabbage soup. They forgot that ice cream melts, but cabbage soup sticks to your ribs. If your group puts as much effort into getting people to the polls as they are doing in moving this national divorce forward, you just might have an impact.

“Throw the bastards out, Governor. Find a couple of hundred truly honest men and women, stand them behind the pulpit, and throw the corrupt bastards out of office. If you go down this path, there will be the euphoria of change, of a brand new start, of resurrected principles, but once you open the door to this division, you will find many who are strongly opposed to the actions of your new federal government. But you’ll have already opened the door. In twenty or thirty years, you’ll have the Republic of Northwestern America splitting off from you. And on and on it will go. We already have the system in place in the Constitution. We just need to find the courage to use it again and to pull the plug on those who need to hang on to Mama’s tit.” Austin paused for a moment, a sheepish smile coming across his face. “My apology, Governor. A poor analogy and disrespectful.”

Joyce Jefferson laughed. “Rather appropriate, I would say, Mr. Secretary. If only I thought we could cut through the morass of the ‘ we only want to help the poor’ crap that flows like water in Washington under the guise of a caring, benevolent government, I’d have hope. But to date, nothing seems to be able to change the system and the drift away from who we were supposed to be. Every four years we vote for ‘change and hope,’ only to find out that we’re further down the road to institutionalized economic slavery.”

“What do your latest polls say, Joyce?” the president said.

“In six weeks, Mr. President, as the individual primaries occur throughout the west, and, notwithstanding the Montclair Advocacy’s oppositional campaign, we are going to see an overwhelming approval in twenty-one of the twenty-three states who have the issue on the ballot. The other two are neck-and-neck. Are you willing to let the public decide this issue?”

“No, Joyce, I’m not. I’m going to pull out all the stops, short of military insertion, to bring a halt to this divorce. We just can’t afford two Americas at this time in our history. Maybe we could never afford it. I’ll throw a court-ordered injunction in every state court I can to stop this nonsense.”

Joyce Jefferson stood her ground. “And that statement, Mr. President, is proof positive of what we are trying to say. The courts will vote their political beliefs, their personal values, not the constitutional principle. They will judicially decide whatever is required to retain their philosophy in power. The same with Congress, and the hell with the people who want it the other way.”

“I understand your point, Joyce. You know I do. Still, I will retain our nation under one flag by any means at my disposal.”

“Well, Mr. President, unless Mr. Rawlings and I are under arrest, I think it best that we leave it at that and return home.”

The president remained quiet for several moments, then stood up, followed by all in the room. “Joyce,” he said, smiling and stepping forward to reach out and hold her by both shoulders, “I admire you, as I always have. Your personal story is nothing short of astonishing. Your entire family history demonstrates what America stands for, despite the cruel way they were brought to our shores. I wish there were some way we could reach accord and end this marital spat.”

“As do I, Mr. President.”

Snow kissed her on the cheek and turned to Dan Rawlings. “Mr. Rawlings, you are still one arrogant bastard, but I admire your stance as well.”

“Thank you, Mr. President. My grandfather, who was also a California legislator in the fifties and sixties, once told me a little story about arrogance. He was an enlisted man in World War II, in the Navy. He told me that the exact same characteristic in a human is seen differently in the military and also in politics. An officer with a strong opinion was generally seen as a self-confident individual, destined for higher office. An enlisted man who stood his ground was an arrogant son-of-a-bitch.”

President Snow laughed loudly. “I know more officers than I do enlisted men, Mr. Rawlings, but I can tell you that’s not true. Most of the officers I know are also arrogant bastards. Have a safe trip home. And gird your loins, son, because the full power and authority of the United States government is going to come down on you like a ton of bricks. And this time, General Del Valle is not going to arrive with the cavalry in the nick of time.”

“That’s what I’m afraid of, Mr. President.”

Hart Senate Office Building

June

Two weeks following his first appearance before the Senate sub-committee on intelligence, General Austin was back at the witness table, accompanied by General Connor. He came at the invitation of Senator Culpepper after the two had determined this was a proper forum to address the contents of the draft Domestic Tranquility bill. Culpepper gaveled the meeting to order.

“Senators, Secretary Austin, General Connor, welcome this morning to our weekly committee meeting. The subject this morning, ladies and gentlemen, is Secretary Austin’s summary analysis of the draft Domestic Tranquility proposal as put forth by Strategic Initiatives. We are also here to review the supporting analysis, recommending approval, prepared by General Wainscott, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Army. I provided Secretary Austin a copy of the proposal several weeks ago and have invited him to present his findings.”

He paused for a moment, shuffling some papers on the table in front of him.

“Are there any initial questions or inquiries that need to be addressed before we turn the time over to Secretary Austin?”

On the far left end of the table, Senator Wright, Democrat from Arkansas, leaned forward and spoke into his microphone. “Mr. Chairman, I have a quick question, if you would indulge me.”

“Certainly, Senator Wright. Please proceed.”

“Mr. Secretary,” Wright began, “in preparing for our hearing today, I read several of your earlier memos to this committee. My question this morning stems from that reading. You indicate that the State Department and diplomatic efforts will bear little fruit with these terrorists and those who support them. Could I ask you to further explain that statement?”