Gordon Ryan - State of Rebellion

As part of the contingency plan for just such an emergency, medical service vehicles were on the scene almost instantly. Four occupants were rushed to the hospital: the British special branch driver, an American Secret Service agent, British Prime Minister Roslyn Thornton, and U.S. Vice President Terrance Hamilton. No immediate announcement of their respective conditions was made available to the reporters who had been following the entourage and who now descended en masse , taking photographs of every detail of the carnage.

At about 6:00 p.m. Washington, D.C. time, the president was advised that the vice president had been involved in a terrorist attack in London. His condition was listed as critical. Furthermore, Prime Minister Roslyn Thornton was dead, as were the driver and the vice president’s personal Secret Service agent.

Eight hours later, at two o’clock the following morning, the president was awakened to be advised that the vice president had died during surgery.

In a clean sweep, the terrorists had done away with the senior British government official and the vice president of the United States, and within two hours, the Provisional Wing of the Irish Republican Army had claimed responsibility for the atrocity. It was, they said, an act of defiance in protest against the support given by the United States and Great Britain to the Australian bid for independence, while withholding such freedom from Northern Ireland-a nation that had been struggling for independence for nearly eight centuries.

A spokesman for the political wing of the IRA, Sinn Fein, stated that effective immediately, the Good Friday Agreement, also known as the Belfast Agreement, signed in 1998, was no longer valid, having been broken in concept by British support for the Australian republican movement and by the American government de facto support for the California secession.

This act of aggression against the United States broke a longstanding tradition of the IRA. Within forty-eight hours, public opinion polls reflected an immediate withdrawal of American support for the IRA, which for many years had been sympathetic to Irish interests.

At 11:00 a.m., Eastern Standard Time, the president made a nationwide announcement that the perpetrators would be identified and brought to justice. He made a point of declaring that this unprecedented and unprovoked act of terrorism was a clear indicator of the true colors of the IRA, an organization that deserved only scorn from freedom-loving Americans.

Repeating each clause after U.S. Supreme Court Justice Maria Ramirez, Clarene Prescott pledged the oath of office.

“I, Clarene Elizabeth Prescott, do solemnly swear. .”

“. . that I will faithfully execute the office of Vice President of the United States. .”

“. . and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. .”

“. . so help me God.”

Justice Ramirez smiled and offered her hand to Vice President Prescott. “Congratulations, Madam Vice President.”

“Thank you, Justice Ramirez,” Clarene replied. The women had been friends and political associates for many years, and Clarene’s choice of Justice Ramirez to perform the swearing-in ceremony was not so much a feminist issue as a response to their longstanding friendship.

Others, however, had not been equally supportive of President Eastman’s nomination of Ambassador Prescott. Three weeks had passed while Eastman and his senior staff had lobbied the holdouts in the party, seeking coalition from Congress. One Senate stalwart, a member of the same party as the president but who had often opposed his causes, had, on this occasion, reason to support the president and had lent his hand to the formation of the coalition.

Senator Malcolm Turner hoped to find an ally in Clarene Prescott, as they were both Californians. He looked toward her appointment as one that would give him greater leverage in the White House and, therefore, in the executive branch. While some within Congress had privately supported Turner in his call for California secession, most feared the political repercussions back in their home states if such a movement caught fire. Clarene Prescott was indebted to Turner for his support, without which her nomination and Senate approval would have been much tougher, a debt he had not allowed to escape her attention.

President Eastman took Clarene by the arm as they moved toward the White House pressroom. “There were times,” he commented, “when I wasn’t sure we could pull it off.”

The press, and indeed the Senate committees, had demanded of Ambassador Prescott her statement of position on the intended secession of California before they would confirm her nomination. In spite of her California origins and the very vocal support she had received from Senator Turner, a known advocate of secession, Clarene Prescott had been able to convince all sides that she was in favor of the Union, while at the same time favorably disposed to correcting the intrusions that the federal government had imposed on all individual states, not limited to just California.

“You did break some new ground, Bill,” Clarene responded. “That requires one to break up the dirt clods first.”

“Haven’t let your farm roots get far away, have you?” Eastman said.

“Something like your ‘Alaska sled dog’ stories, I suppose. Remembering where I came from helps me to keep things in perspective.”

Entering the press room, Eastman moved toward the stand. “You’re about to discover a new perspective, Clarene,” he whispered as he took his place behind the lectern.

“Ladies and gentleman, it is my privilege and distinct honor to introduce to you the vice president of the United States, Clarene Elizabeth Prescott.”

The Washington press corps, cynical from years of ferreting out the truth in a town that thrived on leaks and intentional deception, rose as a body to applaud Vice President Prescott as she took the stand. She understood that some of the applause was prompted by her having become the first female vice president. But perhaps, she reflected, part of the accolade grew out of their recognition of her nearly thirty years of service to the country-as deputy under secretary of defense, deputy secretary of state, ambassador to the United Nations, and for the most recent seven years, national security advisor to the president. Prescott had served in four presidential administrations, two Republican and two Democrat. A Democrat herself, she had earned the respect of both parties through the performance of her duties and her ability to work both camps without sacrificing principle-no simple feat in Washington.

The deference paid by the press lasted nearly sixty seconds before it became business as usual. After offering some brief introductory remarks, including some self-deprecating humor, Vice President Prescott opened the floor for questions. Henry Schikman, UPI, stood first.

“Madam Vice President, congratulations on your appointment. It comes at a time of great domestic turmoil and international change, the likes of which the world has not experienced. In the face of the continuing war in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the domestic attacks against federal law enforcement agencies, specifically the attack on the ATF in California, and the murder of numerous congressional representatives by those who favor the secession, how do you respond to those who actually applauded these actions as well-deserved, and what will you recommend be done to punish those who perpetrated these acts of war against the United States?”

Clarene glanced at President Eastman, not so much for direction as to acknowledge his earlier comment and recognize the brevity of her appointment honeymoon.

“Thank you, Henry,” she said. “I believe it was Andy Warhol who said, ‘Everyone is entitled to their fifteen minutes of fame. ’ As the president predicted, I’ve had less than two minutes of honeymoon in office,” she replied, eliciting mild laughter from her inquisitors. “You are correct, however, that we are passing through a period of unprecedented international and domestic political upheaval. The breakup of the former Soviet Union over twenty years ago presaged a separatist movement among other nations, including some that had been politically aligned since the turn of the last century. Ethnic diversity, historical geography, and, certainly, philosophical and religious variations have called into question many traditional national alignments-some of them longstanding. The terrorist activities in the Middle East, Europe, and even within our own borders have brought us face to face with some hard choices.