ADAM HALL - Quiller Bamboo

'Is he? Right about what?'

He didn't answer, went on staring at the tiny silver moon. I was up against a block, something he felt was very important, important not to divulge.

'Right about democracy?' I asked him, and that broke his resistance.

'Yes. There is no future in democracy for the People's Republic, no room for it. You can see what democracy has done to Europe and America. We cannot contemplate that happening in China.'

I touched the stone to keep it swinging. 'What has it done, Baibing, to Europe and America?'

In a moment — 'It's all there, in the manifesto.'

'What manifesto?'

'The blueprint.'

'Of course it is. But I forgot where you put it. The manifesto.'

Silence. He was having to find his way mentally through a bewildering field of concepts: his own fierce convictions before Trotter had gone to work on him, then the doubts Trotter had put into his mind, then the new convictions he'd been given under hypnosis. And now I was starting to ask worrying questions.

'We can't go to Beijing,' I told him, 'without the manifesto.'

Swinging the pendulum.

'He said he would give me a copy of it, on the flight to Beijing.'

'What's it about? The manifesto?'

'It is the blueprint for the New China.'

'Under democracy?'

Hesitation , noted. 'No.'

'Under Communism?'

'Yes.'

'Under your present leaders?'

'No.'

Oh really.

'Under what leaders?'

'Under Xu Yun.'

Making some progress now. Xu Yun was on the second level of the hierarchy, a young minister, said to be brilliant and on his way; but he'd been given a rap on the knuckles for going personally into Tiananmen Square in June 1989 to talk to the students and peddle a soft line to bring the tension down.

'What will Xu Yun do for China?'

'He will at first seem to favour democracy, then gradually swing the ideas of the people toward the new Communism. He is very clever, and the students approved of his actions in Tiananmen, when he went to listen to them.'

'Good. And what is the new Communism?'

'A society in which all people are truly equal, with no rich and poor as we see in Europe and America, with no millionaires and homeless sharing the same streets, with no pollution as the end product of industrial greed, no crime waves induced by social inequality, no drug culture spawned by the egocentric devotion to the self instead of the state. It is in the manifesto.'

Gooseflesh again, as I listened to Trotter speaking with Xingyu Baibing's voice. And a sense of revelation, because I was beginning to learn more about the Englishman and the dream that had driven him.

'That's very interesting, Baibing. Would you like to tell me more?'

He hesitated again: the question seemed to worry him. 'I have not read the manifesto.'

'But our friend Mr Trotter talked to you, didn't he, for quite a long time. Tell me a little more.'

In a moment — 'The human race has so far proved itself the least intelligent of all living species; man is the only animal incapable of living within its natural environment and accepting nature as its earth mother instead of a system to be conquered and controlled. By the use of fossil fuels, the construction of nuclear power stations, the destruction of the rain forests and of life in the oceans, we are destroying the planet itself, its surface and its protective envelope.'

His tone was easier now, less hesitant: he was on his own ground here, speaking of ideas he'd held long before he'd come under Trotter's influence.

'And the new Communism will be able to do something about that?'

'Not immediately. It will take ten or twenty years. But it must be done, for the planet and human life to survive. Instead of nuclear power, with its unconscionable problem or Chernobyl-like disasters and lethal waste disposal, we need to harness the infinitely greater power of the sun's heat and the force of the winds and the oceans. Instead of fossil fuel, with its equally unconscionable problems of the increasingly lethal accumulation of poison gas in the atmosphere, we need electric transportation, much of it solar-powered. Instead of impoverishing the soil and saturating food products with toxic chemicals and irradiation, we need to allow the land to enrich itself again by disciplined crop rotation and the development of organic fertilizers. All this can be achieved. It is in the manifesto.'

I stood up to check on things outside. The snow had stopped, and moonlight flooded the scree. As the wind shifted I could hear sounds from below, the banging of tailboards and the murmur of engines. The line of light had crept higher, away from the road and toward the hills; the soldiers were still too far away for me to pick out individuals, but their line was nearer now.

Tempted to pick up the radio: Your deadline was two hours and there's ninety minutes left. Have you done anything? Are these bastards awake in London? The tide was rising, and all I could do was to go back in there and listen to Trotter's vision of a brave new world.

Xingyu was still sitting bolt upright, absorbed by the rush of concepts and images going through his mind. 'I must get to Beijing,' he said.

Not really. Not now.

'So China can achieve all that,' I said, 'in a matter of a decade, two decades?'

'If fossil fuel suddenly dried up overnight, the United States of America would have an efficient electric automobile industry within two years, otherwise trillions of dollars would be lost. Industry is very inventive, the lure of gold being its mainspring. In the People's Republic we can be equally inventive, otherwise life itself will be lost.'

I leaned against the rockface, feeling its chill through my coat, feeling its reality. I needed life, too, and even more than that I needed to vouchsafe the life of this man here, because the mission is the Holy Grail and held to be above the survival of the executive, and the mission tonight was to protect Dr Xingyu Baibing, the messiah, the little robot sitting here regurgitating a romantic's manifesto. I found myself sitting very still, my back to the freezing rockface and my eyes — on the moonlit sky and my mind suddenly close to the Englishman's, to Trotter's, as if a mental zoom had closed the distance between us.

He had lied very little, that man, and then only by omission. His objective had been precisely the same as mine: to get Xingyu Baibing to Beijing and in front of the cameras. He had wanted the geriatric tyrants there to be thrown out of power, as we did. He had protected my operation all along the line, just as he'd said, because he didn't have the dissident commander's tanks readied to defend the people, as we did, in Tiananmen Square, didn't have the contacts, the coordination, the military escort that would lead Xingyu to the cameras after Premier Li Peng had been seized and put under military arrest.

So Trotter had used the Bureau.

Had used me.

Our aims are the same, my dear fellow, I do hope you understand.

The same, up to a point. Not just as far as getting Xingyu out of Tibet, not just as far as getting him into Beijing and through the streets and into the Great Hall of the People, but to the very point when the lights would come on and the cameras start rolling and he would appear on the television screens right across the nation.

And speak not for democracy but for the new Communism under Xu Yun as its leader.

Sat very still, shutting my eyes, absorbing the light of revelation.

I do hope you understand, my dear fellow.

Yes, I think so.

He'd wanted, as we had, to put this man on the television screens — but with a robot's brain.

'When they came for you at the monastery, Baibing, was Mr Trotter there?'