Don Gutteridge - Governing Passion

Most of the discussions thus far had focussedon a riding by riding analysis of the prospects of variouscandidates who would be sympathetic to the alliance cause and whostood a chance of being elected. A number of nominations were stillup for grabs, and both Robert Baldwin and Louis LaFontaine werehappy to use their influence to ensure favourable selections. Thisin turn generated a lot of letter-writing, and so Marc had beencalled in to assist Hincks and, occasionally, the French team (asMarc’s French was exceptional). Marc was also available as atranslator or interpreter, although Louis himself spoke passableEnglish and understood even more.

Robert and Hincks were waiting for Marc,having risen earlier and taken breakfast in their rooms. Marc knewhe should be thinking about the upcoming discussion, but his mindwas upon his wife Beth and their two children, Maggie and MarcusJunior. He hated leaving them behind in Toronto, and he realizednow that he would be needed here for weeks, not days. Little Marcuswas almost one and was starting to crawl all over Briar Cottage.And his babble-talk was approaching speech of some kind. But dutycalled, and Marc had rarely been able to resist its demands.Perhaps it was his years as an army officer. More probably it wasdue to his profound belief that the future of the new Canada lay inthe achievement of a responsible form of government in which theexecutive was fully accountable to the elected LegislativeAssembly.

“Good morning, Marc,” Robert said, wavingMarc to a seat at the table in the middle of the room. “We just gothere ourselves. We’re expecting Louis shortly.”

“Louis is bringing us the latest news on thestatus of our alliance,” Hincks said with his usual enthusiasticgrin.

In contrast to Hincks, Robert Baldwin was anordinary looking man, one who did not command the attention of aroom until he spoke. And even then his voice was soft and rarelyraised in anger or enthusiasm. He was now in his mid-thirties andof medium height and build. His most arresting feature was hisbold, intelligent eyes under their dark, almost brooding brows.Hincks was a fair-haired Irishman with regular features and a readysmile to accompany his forceful manner of speech and his readywit.

“I think we can expect in excess offorty-five from among our group and Louis’ supporters,” Robertsaid. “And we’ve already got you on the Executive Council,” Hinckssaid to Robert.

Robert looked over at Marc. “And I’ve got togive you a proper explanation of why I agreed to enter a cabinetwith Tories like William Draper, and you’ve been tactful enough notto ask.”

Marc smiled, and waited.

“Well, I feel I can best promote the notionthat the cabinet as a whole is responsible to the majority opinionof the Assembly from within. It’s obvious that sooner than laterthe harmony of the cabinet — representative of every faction, itseems — will not last. The Governor will propose legislation thatwill be rejected by our alliance in the Assembly and bring mattersto a crisis point. When a stalemate ensues, I will suggest stronglythat Mr. Poulett Thomson, or Lord Sydenham as he’s now known,dissolve the Executive and form a new ministry reflective of theReform group that controls the Assembly.”

“He’ll be compelled to support responsiblegovernment in fact, if not in principle,” Hincks added. “And thatwill make it almost impossible to retreat to the old way of doingthings.”

“The Tories are counting on our alliance tocollapse, once the French get here and find themselves in athoroughly English milieu,” Robert said.

“But we’ve got Louis LaFontaine in our camp,eh?” Marc said.

And as if on cue, LaFontaine entered theroom. And commanded instant attention. He was unusually tall — almost Marc’s height — a sort of tallish Napoleon, for he wore hishair brushed forward like Bonaparte’s, and his left hand oftenfound its way into his jacket, much as the Emperor’s had wheneverhe was posing. Whether this was a nervous tic or a deliberategesture was a matter of debate amongst those who knew Louis. But itwas the stillness at the centre of him that commanded respect, aquiet fortitude, an unflinching quiescence that bespoke authorityand fierce conviction. At his side was a short, middle-aged, darkcomplexioned fellow with a large nose and bushy eyebrows.

Louis was greeted by those around the table,and he in turn introduced his companion. “This is Gilles Gagnon, mysecretary and my right-hand man,” he said in slightly accentedEnglish. “You’ve heard me speak of him before.”

“Welcome, Monsieur Gagnon,” Robert said,rising to shake his hand.

“Gilles, please,” Gagnon said, smiling.

“Well, please take a seat, gentlemen. We’vegot plenty of business to discuss,” Robert said, and proceeded tointroduce Marc and Hincks to the newcomer.

The meeting got underway with no furthersmall talk. Robert reviewed the situation in the ridings of CanadaWest, where the Reform party expected to garner twenty of theforty-two seats. The rest would be split among the Conservatives,or moderate Tories, the diehard Tories, including the Loyal OrangeLodge, the extreme Reformers or Clear Grits, and variousindependents. Robert then turned to Louis.

“The rouge should take twenty-five ormore seats,” Louis said, “with the rest split evenly among theEnglish and French Conservatives.”

“Is there any chance the French will alignwith our Conservatives or Tories?” Hincks asked.

“Not a chance,” Louis said. “They aredetermined to act as a rump group only, as defenders of all thingsFrench. They have no interest in the new economy or the Britishmonarchy.”

“So it’s certain that our moderate Reformersand your rouge Nationalists will form the single largestgroup in the new Assembly?” Robert said.

Louis hesitated. “That is true, but I’mafraid that is only if I can hold our own people together and bringthem with me to your side, Robert.”

“There’s trouble in the ranks?”

“I’m afraid so. John Neilson is leading arump group of Ultra-Nationalists who want no truck with the Englishor with the union. They are planning to come here after theelection in April not to protect French rights and culture but tosee that the new Parliament does not work.”

“And he’s recruiting among your people?”Hincks said.

“He’s already wooed two or three to his campwith the prospect of many more. He’s using my own words againstme.”

LaFontaine had consistently railed in publicagainst the unfair terms of the union, whereby Quebec got the samenumber of seats with a third greater population and was saddledwith Upper Canada’s debt. Moreover, French, while technicallyallowed to be spoken in the Assembly, would not be made part of thepermanent record. However, Louis, earlier on, had been won over tothe potential of Baldwin’s idea of responsible government asproviding the only plausible avenue for Quebec gaining its demands.He was in favour of the union but not the terms. Neilson hadexploited that nicety and was stumping Canada East calling for acircling of the wagons. And was being listened to.

“If your group splits, we are finished,”Hincks said.

Robert looked grim. “I’ve been able to keepmy supporters on side by promising them a majority in the Assembly.If word leaks out that that is in jeopardy, the results could becalamitous.”

“But you are still the foremost politician inQuebec,” Marc said to LaFontaine.

A small, appreciatory smile played at thecorners of Louis’ mouth. “I am not without resources, ortactics.”

“You have a plan to stop the bleeding?”Hincks said.

“Yes. That’s why I brought along Gilles thismorning.”

Gagnon smiled broadly.

“Gilles has come up with an idea we want torun past you.”